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Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and...

Ledden, Mark Brady.

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Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and shapes of time.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and shapes of time./
作者:	Ledden, Mark Brady.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 1996,
面頁冊數:	315 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-12, Section: A, page: 5164.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International57-12A.
標題:	British & Irish literature. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9715087
ISBN:	9780591228731

Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and shapes of time.
Ledden, Mark Brady.

Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and shapes of time. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 1996 - 315 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-12, Section: A, page: 5164.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Emory University, 1996.

The four authors discussed in this study maintained complicated and disparate ideological commitments, but they all considered the relationship of their aesthetic work to their political convictions a paramount concern. I argue that they quite self-consciously employed ideologically charged "shapes of time" (tropes figuring the relationship of the past to the present and future in terms of stasis, progressive ascent, progressive descent, or radical discontinuity) as rhetorical bridges linking aesthetic and political discourse. I conclude that these authors did not use their aesthetic works to evade or repress political tensions. Rather, they understood their art to be both a reflection and a potentially powerful determinant of political circumstance.

ISBN: 9780591228731Subjects--Topical Terms:

3284317
British & Irish literature.

Revolutionary plots: Romanticism and shapes of time.
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300 $a 315 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-12, Section: A, page: 5164.
500 $a Adviser: Walter L. Reed.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Emory University, 1996.
520 $a The four authors discussed in this study maintained complicated and disparate ideological commitments, but they all considered the relationship of their aesthetic work to their political convictions a paramount concern. I argue that they quite self-consciously employed ideologically charged "shapes of time" (tropes figuring the relationship of the past to the present and future in terms of stasis, progressive ascent, progressive descent, or radical discontinuity) as rhetorical bridges linking aesthetic and political discourse. I conclude that these authors did not use their aesthetic works to evade or repress political tensions. Rather, they understood their art to be both a reflection and a potentially powerful determinant of political circumstance.
520 $a Chapter One shows how inveterate Tory Laetitia Matilda Hawkins championed limited reforms to forestall rather than to advance social change. Narratives of temporal suspension in her polemic pamphlet on the female mind (addressed to Helen Maria Williams) and in her novels evince her conservative desire to extend the present into the future.
520 $a Chapter Two links Helen Maria Williams's radical millenarian politics to her desire to establish a lasting literary reputation. By wrenching the present from the past, the French Revolution made possible Williams's daring generic move from sentimental ephemera to monumental history.
520 $a Chapter Three argues that in Books VII and VIII of The Prelude (1805), William Wordsworth uses London as a spatial representation of temporal progression to resolve his post-Godwinian historiographical crisis.
520 $a Chapter Four reads Hyperion and the great odes of 1819 alongside Leigh Hunt's Examiner editorials to argue that John Keats's poems allusively interrogate the narratives of temporal suspension which Hunt links to repressive Tory politics.
520 $a These four authors show us that, not surprisingly, the Romantic era was dominated by a contest of competing ideologies rather than by any single ideological position or political philosophy. They also show us that Romantic writers from across the political spectrum agreed that art cannot help but reflect the politics of the day and that they seriously considered the ability of aesthetic writing to act as a powerful cultural determinant.
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