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Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography.
~
Wang, Fan-shen.
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Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography./
作者:
Wang, Fan-shen.
出版者:
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 1993,
面頁冊數:
434 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-12, Section: A, page: 4232.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International53-12A.
標題:
Education history. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9311218
Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography.
Wang, Fan-shen.
Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography.
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 1993 - 434 p.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-12, Section: A, page: 4232.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Princeton University, 1993.
This dissertation presents the results of a study on Fu Ssu-nien, a major leader of the May Fourth movement and a harbinger of modern Chinese historiography. This project has three objectives: (1) to reconstruct the major themes of Fu's thought, (2) to investigate his role in establishing a historical school, (3) to look into the collective experience of the May Fourth generation through an examination of Fu's life. From Fu's case we can see how youths of this generation responded to political turmoil, the Japanese invasion, and finally the victory of the CCP.Subjects--Topical Terms:
3171959
Education history.
Fu Ssu-nien: An intellectual biography.
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This dissertation presents the results of a study on Fu Ssu-nien, a major leader of the May Fourth movement and a harbinger of modern Chinese historiography. This project has three objectives: (1) to reconstruct the major themes of Fu's thought, (2) to investigate his role in establishing a historical school, (3) to look into the collective experience of the May Fourth generation through an examination of Fu's life. From Fu's case we can see how youths of this generation responded to political turmoil, the Japanese invasion, and finally the victory of the CCP.
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Chapter I discusses Fu Ssu-nien's abrupt transformation from a conservative youth to a New Culture activist in 1917. After Fu's sudden conversion to the New Culture Movement, he was torn by many intellectual dilemmas and emotional contradictions. This chapter also examines the dilemmas and contradictions that tormented him.
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Chapter II describes Fu's study in Europe as well as some of his achievements after his return to China. In 1927, he introduced a hybrid of positivism and Rankean historiography to China. To put his ideas of historical and philological studies to practice, he founded the Institute of History and Philology. As the head of the Institute, he organized teams to open up archives, undertake anthropological investigations, conduct large-scale archaeological excavations, and engage in many other kinds of cooperative historical work.
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As a historian, Fu excelled in the history of Chinese antiquity. Especially important was his hypothesis of the plural origins of Chinese antiquity. Chapter III traces the formation of this theory and its influence.
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Chapter IV discusses Fu's study of the origin of ancient Chinese moral philosophy. According to Fu, his etymological studies proved that there was no introspective moral philosophy in orthodox Confucianism. Therefore he argued that the Mencian moral teaching was a betrayal of Confucianism.
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Chapter V shows how May Fourth ideals, such as iconoclasm, individualism, and objective historical study were seriously challenged in the wake of the Northern Expedition and the Mukden Incident.
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Chapter VI is a study of the laterday of a May Fourth youth. After the beginning of Sino-Japanese war Fu, in spite of his earlier vow to "not talk of politics for twenty years," gradually gave up his early conviction and became involved in politics. He heroically attacked the prime ministers H. H. Kung and T. V. Soong for their massive corruption, and played a key role in forcing their resignations. But liberals were neither well established in, nor really welcomed by, the KMT and the CCP, two collectivistic parties. They became, in fact, a "third kind of men" in modern Chinese politics.
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