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Now you hear it, now you don't: The ...

Florida Atlantic University.

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Now you hear it, now you don't: The effect of markedness on the perception of unattested clusters.

紀錄類型:	書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Now you hear it, now you don't: The effect of markedness on the perception of unattested clusters./
作者:	Lennertz, Tracy J.
面頁冊數:	46 p.
附註:	Adviser: Iris Berent.
Contained By:	Masters Abstracts International44-06.
標題:	Language, Linguistics. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=1436276
ISBN:	9780542751158

Now you hear it, now you don't: The effect of markedness on the perception of unattested clusters.
Lennertz, Tracy J.

Now you hear it, now you don't: The effect of markedness on the perception of unattested clusters. - 46 p.

Adviser: Iris Berent.

Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2006.

Linguistic theory predicts that speakers are equipped with universal sonority principles that restrict the structure of the syllable: onset clusters with sonority rises are preferred to onsets with plateaus, which are preferred to onsets with falling sonority (bn > bd > lb). We investigate the source of this preference in English, a language in which these sonority profiles are unattested. We gauged speakers' preferences for unattested onsets by examining their susceptibility to epenthetic repair. If English speakers are sensitive to onset structure, then onsets that are universally dispreferred should be more likely to elicit repair (e.g., lbif→lebif). Results from a syllable judgment task and an identity task support our predictions: onsets of rising sonority are perceived more accurately compared to onsets with sonority plateaus, which, in turn, are perceived more accurately compared to onsets with sonority falls. Our findings suggest that speakers are equipped with phonological preferences for sonority profiles that are unattested in their language.

ISBN: 9780542751158Subjects--Topical Terms:

1018079
Language, Linguistics.

Now you hear it, now you don't: The effect of markedness on the perception of unattested clusters.
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502 $a Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2006.
520 $a Linguistic theory predicts that speakers are equipped with universal sonority principles that restrict the structure of the syllable: onset clusters with sonority rises are preferred to onsets with plateaus, which are preferred to onsets with falling sonority (bn > bd > lb). We investigate the source of this preference in English, a language in which these sonority profiles are unattested. We gauged speakers' preferences for unattested onsets by examining their susceptibility to epenthetic repair. If English speakers are sensitive to onset structure, then onsets that are universally dispreferred should be more likely to elicit repair (e.g., lbif→lebif). Results from a syllable judgment task and an identity task support our predictions: onsets of rising sonority are perceived more accurately compared to onsets with sonority plateaus, which, in turn, are perceived more accurately compared to onsets with sonority falls. Our findings suggest that speakers are equipped with phonological preferences for sonority profiles that are unattested in their language.
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