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Urban-garden programs in the United ...
~
Lawson, Laura Joanne.
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Urban-garden programs in the United States: Values, resources and role in community development.
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Urban-garden programs in the United States: Values, resources and role in community development./
作者:
Lawson, Laura Joanne.
面頁冊數:
517 p.
附註:
Chair: Randolph T. Hester.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International61-07A.
標題:
History, United States. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9979695
ISBN:
0599859733
Urban-garden programs in the United States: Values, resources and role in community development.
Lawson, Laura Joanne.
Urban-garden programs in the United States: Values, resources and role in community development.
- 517 p.
Chair: Randolph T. Hester.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2000.
Given the capacity of gardening to provide food, recreation, restoration, and other benefits, programs that facilitate urban people's access to gardening can potentially contribute to personal as well as community development. This research analyzes urban-garden programs in terms of intended goals, organizational factors, and results. Since the 1890s, garden programs have arisen as local amelioration to social and economic crises because gardening produces tangible results, is participatory, and activates previously underused resources, such as volunteers, idle time, and vacant land. Providing a place to garden has rarely been the singular objective, but rather gardening has been a means to achieve normative goals based on social values regarding nature (agrarianism, urban pastoralism, and personal attachment) and individualism.
ISBN: 0599859733Subjects--Topical Terms:
1017393
History, United States.
Urban-garden programs in the United States: Values, resources and role in community development.
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Given the capacity of gardening to provide food, recreation, restoration, and other benefits, programs that facilitate urban people's access to gardening can potentially contribute to personal as well as community development. This research analyzes urban-garden programs in terms of intended goals, organizational factors, and results. Since the 1890s, garden programs have arisen as local amelioration to social and economic crises because gardening produces tangible results, is participatory, and activates previously underused resources, such as volunteers, idle time, and vacant land. Providing a place to garden has rarely been the singular objective, but rather gardening has been a means to achieve normative goals based on social values regarding nature (agrarianism, urban pastoralism, and personal attachment) and individualism.
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The philanthropic vacant-lot cultivation associations of the 1890s and the government-sponsored subsistence gardens of the 1930s were self-help relief strategies to provide food, training, and gainful occupation for the unemployed. Early twentieth-century education reformers promoted school gardens as nature study that also conveyed civic and moral lessons to urban youth. During both world wars, national volunteer-driven campaigns encouraged gardening for food, recreation, and morale. The 1970s community-garden movement started as local activism to counter urban unrest, inflation, and environmental degradation. Programs today include neighborhood gardens, educational programs, entrepreneurial job training, and horticultural therapy.
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Past advocates trusted that external leadership and impermanent gardening venues would alleviate contemporary urban conditions and impel behavior change in targeted population groups. Today, as garden programs intend to serve long-term community functions, past patterns that assumed vague goals and ignored local leadership and land tenure need to be revised. First, program development must identify participant objectives, nurture community ownership, and maintain flexibility to changing community conditions. Instead of normative goals, programs need to fulfill identified community resource needs, such as food production, recreation, restoration, environmental education, community-based enterprise, and local activism. Second, programs need to balance external interest-based support with local determination of program direction. Third, to validate gardens as permanent land-uses, secured through ownership and legal designation, programs must integrate their user-maintained, semi-public nature with a larger public appeal through lobbying, education and social activities, and impelling garden spaces.
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http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9979695
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