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Social movements for foreign workers...

The University of Chicago.

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Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements.

紀錄類型:	書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements./
作者:	Choi, Jaehoon.
面頁冊數:	316 p.
附註:	Adviser: Dingxin Zhao.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International69-07A.
標題:	Sociology, Industrial and Labor Relations. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3322571
ISBN:	9780549739982

Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements.
Choi, Jaehoon.

Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements. - 316 p.

Adviser: Dingxin Zhao.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Chicago, 2008.

Since the mid 1990s, the movements for foreign workers have been successfully developed in Korea, and could accomplish their primary goal to introduce a more lawful and internationally accepted system instead of the expedient system for the supply of foreign labor force, while the similar movements in Japan, which has experienced similar problems and managed similar system, could not gain successful results. How can we explain this difference?

ISBN: 9780549739982Subjects--Topical Terms:

1017858
Sociology, Industrial and Labor Relations.

Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements.
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100 1 $a Choi, Jaehoon. $3 1019155
245 1 0 $a Social movements for foreign workers in South Korea: A perspective on the state for transnational social movements.
300 $a 316 p.
500 $a Adviser: Dingxin Zhao.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-07, Section: A, page: 2900.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Chicago, 2008.
520 $a Since the mid 1990s, the movements for foreign workers have been successfully developed in Korea, and could accomplish their primary goal to introduce a more lawful and internationally accepted system instead of the expedient system for the supply of foreign labor force, while the similar movements in Japan, which has experienced similar problems and managed similar system, could not gain successful results. How can we explain this difference?
520 $a I argue that the key here is the existence of the Korean Christian groups, which have led these movements. Compared with Japanese counterpart, they succeeded to organize transnational coalitions based on their experiences and influence from the past pro-democracy movements and to create transnational framing by appealing to the past experience of Korea as a migrants sending country and the transnational spirit of Christianity. Above all, the Korean activists succeeded to take advantage of political opportunities provided by the progressive regime change, so that they could form coalitions with some favorable governmental branches as well as transnational actors. On the contrary, the Japanese movements were not able to organize transnational mobilization and to create effective ideology due to the lack of powerful actors in conjunction with the existence of the conservative and collective political culture and systems.
520 $a In this global age, the demands of economic globalization or the pressures of transnational political institutions play important roles in the processes of domestic politics and policy decision. Thus, many recent transnational social movements and related studies have focused on those transnational forces, while often disregarded the important role of the state. However, those demands or pressures do not produce the same results in every country. This is why the propensity and the role of the state, which provide critical political opportunities, are still important for transnational social movements. Especially, I focus on the characteristic of the state as a disaggregated mediator through which various social forces are mediated, and argue this characteristic is still critical for transnational social movements as well as domestic movements.
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