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Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects = = 石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects =/
其他題名:	石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题.
作者:	Huang, Alice Tingting.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2020,
面頁冊數:	414 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-04, Section: B.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International84-04B.
標題:	Grammar. -
電子資源:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=29352745
ISBN:	9798352685372

Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects = = 石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题.
Huang, Alice Tingting.

Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects =石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2020 - 414 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-04, Section: B.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--National University of Singapore (Singapore), 2020.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

本文围绕石城客家话四个次方言点（高田、屏山、小姑、岩岭）的双及物结构编码策略及其相关问题展开，旨在展现一个没有通用给予动词的方言如何表达给予事件。四个石城次方言表达给予事件的特点可以概括为五个。特点一，表达通用给予事件时基本只能用介宾补语式。特点二，介宾补语式的动词词形不一定相同，但基本为持拿义动词或获得义动词；与事标记的词形也不一定相同，但原生层次基本来源于获得义动词，和张敏（2011）提出的南方（非闽语）方言通用给予事件的编码策略（动词为持拿义，与事标记为方所标记）有一定的距离。这个编码策略只能用构式（CONSTRUCTION）来解释。构式语法认为，构式是一个形式与意义的组合，它的形式或意义的某些方面不能完全从其他组成部分或从其他已确定的结构中得到预测和理解（Goldberg，1995：4）。特点三，四个石城次方言表达非通用给予事件的介宾补语式和双宾 A 式也必须视为构式。石城方言的与事标记（包括标记归还对象的与事标记）在单宾句中不能带与事宾语，在介宾补语式中却可以。石城方言中能进入双宾 A 式的给予义动词（如"送"）在单宾句中不能直接带与事宾语，却能在双宾 A 式直接挨着与事宾语。这些不常规的语法表现只有在构式理论中才能得到解释。特点四，四个石城次方言中虽然都有给予类双宾 A 式，不过其用法非常受限，能进入给予类双宾A式的动词和宾语语法类型不多。石城方言给予义动词只能单独带客体宾语的语法表现和南方（非闽语）方言通用给予动词的表现一致，这说明给予义动词编码给予事件的策略与通用给予动词的策略是平行的。这个表现可以支持张敏（2011）的假说，即南方（非闽语）方言通用给予动词的消失将导致给予类双宾 A 式也随之消失。特点五，绝大多数石城方言的与事标记都仅与同一方言中的被动标记同形，这其实是丢失了原生允让使役标记的结果。以上特点中，前四个特点或许都与方言中通用给予动词的消失有关。其中特点一、特点四为张敏（2011）对南方（非闽语）方言双及物结构的部分假说提供了语料支持，特点二反映出张敏（2011）的部分假说需要修改，特点三将补充张敏（2011）假说的研究空白。.

ISBN: 9798352685372Subjects--Topical Terms:

899712
Grammar.

Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects = = 石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题.
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245 1 0 $a Ditransitive Constructions and Related Issues In Shicheng Hakka Dialects = $b 石城客家话的双及物结构及相关问题.
260 1 $a Ann Arbor : $b ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, $c 2020
300 $a 414 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-04, Section: B.
500 $a Advisor: Pheng, Phua Chiew.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--National University of Singapore (Singapore), 2020.
506 $a This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
520 $a 本文围绕石城客家话四个次方言点（高田、屏山、小姑、岩岭）的双及物结构编码策略及其相关问题展开，旨在展现一个没有通用给予动词的方言如何表达给予事件。四个石城次方言表达给予事件的特点可以概括为五个。特点一，表达通用给予事件时基本只能用介宾补语式。特点二，介宾补语式的动词词形不一定相同，但基本为持拿义动词或获得义动词；与事标记的词形也不一定相同，但原生层次基本来源于获得义动词，和张敏（2011）提出的南方（非闽语）方言通用给予事件的编码策略（动词为持拿义，与事标记为方所标记）有一定的距离。这个编码策略只能用构式（CONSTRUCTION）来解释。构式语法认为，构式是一个形式与意义的组合，它的形式或意义的某些方面不能完全从其他组成部分或从其他已确定的结构中得到预测和理解（Goldberg，1995：4）。特点三，四个石城次方言表达非通用给予事件的介宾补语式和双宾 A 式也必须视为构式。石城方言的与事标记（包括标记归还对象的与事标记）在单宾句中不能带与事宾语，在介宾补语式中却可以。石城方言中能进入双宾 A 式的给予义动词（如"送"）在单宾句中不能直接带与事宾语，却能在双宾 A 式直接挨着与事宾语。这些不常规的语法表现只有在构式理论中才能得到解释。特点四，四个石城次方言中虽然都有给予类双宾 A 式，不过其用法非常受限，能进入给予类双宾A式的动词和宾语语法类型不多。石城方言给予义动词只能单独带客体宾语的语法表现和南方（非闽语）方言通用给予动词的表现一致，这说明给予义动词编码给予事件的策略与通用给予动词的策略是平行的。这个表现可以支持张敏（2011）的假说，即南方（非闽语）方言通用给予动词的消失将导致给予类双宾 A 式也随之消失。特点五，绝大多数石城方言的与事标记都仅与同一方言中的被动标记同形，这其实是丢失了原生允让使役标记的结果。以上特点中，前四个特点或许都与方言中通用给予动词的消失有关。其中特点一、特点四为张敏（2011）对南方（非闽语）方言双及物结构的部分假说提供了语料支持，特点二反映出张敏（2011）的部分假说需要修改，特点三将补充张敏（2011）假说的研究空白。.
520 $a The dissertation studies the ditransitive construction and related issues in four varieties in Shicheng Hakka dialect (including Gaotian, Pingshan, Xiaog and Yanling). As these dialects do not possess the general purpose GIVE verb, this thesis aims to offer a detailed description on how they deal with the lack of such verb in the expression of GIVE event.It shows that the expresssion of GIVE event in four varieties of Shicheng Hakka dialect has some characteristcs. Firstly, they mainly use Indirect Object Construction (IOC) for the expression of General Purpose of Give Event. Secondly, the main verbs of the IOCs are not exactly same, but mainly HOLD/TAKE verbs and GET verbs, dative markers neither not exactly same, but mainly originated from GET verbs verbs, which makes the constructions for General Purpose of Give Event becoming CONSTRUCTIONS (Goldberg, 1995:4).Thirdly, the IOCs and DOCs (Double Object Constructions) used in Shicheng Hakka dialects for the expression of Non-General Purpose of Give Event should also be conceived as CONSTRUCTIONS. The dative markers (including the dative marker for Return Event) are not able to take recipient objects in a transitive sentence, while they are prepositions in the IOCs they are able to introduce recipient objects. The give verbs in Shicheng dialects (eg.) are not able to take recipient objects in transitive sentences, but some of them are able to be in the DOCs. These abnormal behaviors only can be explained by CONSTRUCTION GRAMMARFourthly, Shicheng Hakka dialects use DOCs to express GIVE event, but the verbs and grammatical classifications of noun phrases compatible with DOCs for GIVE events are rare. The give verbs only take theme as object, which is just same with the general purpose GIVE verb in southern Chinese dialects (excludes Min dialect). The behaviors of give verbs are parallel to the general purpose GIVE verb in the same dialect, which agrees with the hypothesis made by Zhang Min (2011) i.e. the loss of general purpose GIVE verb in southern Chinese dialects (excludes Min dialect) consequently cause the loss of DOC for Give Event.Lastly, most of dative markers in Shicheng dialects share the same form only with passive marker, not with other grammatical functions (including permissive causative marker) in the same dialect. Actually, the phenomenon arise from the loss of permissive causative marker caused by language contact.The first four characteristics are followed by the loss of general purpose GIVE verb. Of these, the first and fourth characteristic provide evidence for some of the hypothesis proposed by Zhang Min (2011). The second characteristic indicates that some of the hypothesis need to be amended. And the third characteristic is a new observation and will be a new hypothesis.
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