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Essays in Political Economy.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Essays in Political Economy./
作者:	Nowacki, Tobias.
面頁冊數:	1 online resource (240 pages)
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-12, Section: B.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International84-12B.
標題:	Electoral reform. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=30462680click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9798379654290

Essays in Political Economy.
Nowacki, Tobias.

Essays in Political Economy. - 1 online resource (240 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 84-12, Section: B.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2023.

Includes bibliographical references

In this dissertation, I study how elections - and electoral rules, in particular - shape the selection of candidates with distinct attributes into office. While there is a large and well-developed literature on how different electoral institutions shape the number of parties and candidates running and winning, we know far less about how the same institutions affect what types of candidates end up being elected to office. In the following chapters, I examine how electoral rules applied to local politics - the very first rung of the tall ladder of political careers - shape the nature of electoral competition by affecting female candidates' career trajectories and allowing independent candidates without a partisan affiliation to thrive. I do so using modern causal inference techniques and introduce new methods to study heterogeneous effects in close elections.My dissertation highlights salient tradeoffs for policymakers and electoral reformers when designing electoral institutions, and offers new methodological tools to study these questions in the context of close elections. In choosing how to design electoral systems, decision-makers may also have to navigate tradeoffs between conflicting normative desiderata, such as individual accountability of legislators versus representation of otherwise underrepresented groups; or the representation of salient, highly local issues versus parties' responsiveness across multiple layers of government. This work also emphasises the importance of electoral design even at the most local levels of politics, demonstrating these rules' widespread effect on representation, policymaking, and the nature of political competition. Who gets elected (and possibly re-elected) in the first steps of a political career has repercussion for the quality and characteristics of the candidate pool for higher-order elections. Altogether, I hope that it will form a valuable contribution, and a stepping stone towards further research, towards understanding how we should design our electoral rules in line with various democratic values.In the first paper (Chapter 2), I examine under what conditions elections held under different forms of proportional representation can help or hinder women's political careers by affecting the gender gap in incumbency advantages. I argue that women's incumbency advantages may be smaller in open-list systems where voters can determine individual candidates' list positions. By contrast, incumbency advantages in closed-list systems are party-driven and more likely to be of an equal magnitude for women. Using heterogeneity-in-discontinuity designs with data from candidates in local elections across Norway, Poland, and Spain, I present empirical evidence in support of this argument; additional results also rule out alternative explanations and strengthen confidence in the key role of gender in the underlying mechanism. I also demonstrate that, consistent with my theoretical argument, voters in right-wing parties in open-list elections likely award a smaller increase in preference votes to female winners. Overall, my findings contribute an important new perspective on the consequences of electoral rules and institutions for gender equity in politics.In the second paper (Chapter 3), I study how independent candidates in two-round runoff elections can attract greater support from the electorate vis-`a-vis partisan candidates. I distinguish several competing explanations of why political parties fail to penetrate local elections successfully (despite fielding candidates) before focussing on the case of mayoral elections in Poland, where independents routinely win up to 70% of these elections. I use the runoff rule to compare elections in which an independent candidate barely qualifies for the runoff to elections in which a partisan candidate does so.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2023

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9798379654290Subjects--Topical Terms:

3703750
Electoral reform.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

542853
Electronic books.

Essays in Political Economy.
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520 $a In this dissertation, I study how elections - and electoral rules, in particular - shape the selection of candidates with distinct attributes into office. While there is a large and well-developed literature on how different electoral institutions shape the number of parties and candidates running and winning, we know far less about how the same institutions affect what types of candidates end up being elected to office. In the following chapters, I examine how electoral rules applied to local politics - the very first rung of the tall ladder of political careers - shape the nature of electoral competition by affecting female candidates' career trajectories and allowing independent candidates without a partisan affiliation to thrive. I do so using modern causal inference techniques and introduce new methods to study heterogeneous effects in close elections.My dissertation highlights salient tradeoffs for policymakers and electoral reformers when designing electoral institutions, and offers new methodological tools to study these questions in the context of close elections. In choosing how to design electoral systems, decision-makers may also have to navigate tradeoffs between conflicting normative desiderata, such as individual accountability of legislators versus representation of otherwise underrepresented groups; or the representation of salient, highly local issues versus parties' responsiveness across multiple layers of government. This work also emphasises the importance of electoral design even at the most local levels of politics, demonstrating these rules' widespread effect on representation, policymaking, and the nature of political competition. Who gets elected (and possibly re-elected) in the first steps of a political career has repercussion for the quality and characteristics of the candidate pool for higher-order elections. Altogether, I hope that it will form a valuable contribution, and a stepping stone towards further research, towards understanding how we should design our electoral rules in line with various democratic values.In the first paper (Chapter 2), I examine under what conditions elections held under different forms of proportional representation can help or hinder women's political careers by affecting the gender gap in incumbency advantages. I argue that women's incumbency advantages may be smaller in open-list systems where voters can determine individual candidates' list positions. By contrast, incumbency advantages in closed-list systems are party-driven and more likely to be of an equal magnitude for women. Using heterogeneity-in-discontinuity designs with data from candidates in local elections across Norway, Poland, and Spain, I present empirical evidence in support of this argument; additional results also rule out alternative explanations and strengthen confidence in the key role of gender in the underlying mechanism. I also demonstrate that, consistent with my theoretical argument, voters in right-wing parties in open-list elections likely award a smaller increase in preference votes to female winners. Overall, my findings contribute an important new perspective on the consequences of electoral rules and institutions for gender equity in politics.In the second paper (Chapter 3), I study how independent candidates in two-round runoff elections can attract greater support from the electorate vis-`a-vis partisan candidates. I distinguish several competing explanations of why political parties fail to penetrate local elections successfully (despite fielding candidates) before focussing on the case of mayoral elections in Poland, where independents routinely win up to 70% of these elections. I use the runoff rule to compare elections in which an independent candidate barely qualifies for the runoff to elections in which a partisan candidate does so.
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