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Family Systems and Fertility : = Fertility Behaviour in Europe From a Network Perspective.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Family Systems and Fertility :/
其他題名:	Fertility Behaviour in Europe From a Network Perspective.
作者:	Moenkediek, Bastian.
面頁冊數:	1 online resource (285 pages)
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-04, Section: B.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International83-04B.
標題:	Behavior. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28230141click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9798708784780

Family Systems and Fertility : = Fertility Behaviour in Europe From a Network Perspective.
Moenkediek, Bastian.

Family Systems and Fertility :Fertility Behaviour in Europe From a Network Perspective. - 1 online resource (285 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-04, Section: B.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Wageningen University and Research, 2016.

Includes bibliographical references

This thesis studies the role of regional family organization principles, so called family systems, for explaining fertility behaviours in different parts of Europe. Studying family systems and its impact on fertility is important, because many aspects of societal life, such as the organization of welfare, are influenced by the institution of the family, its procreation and its underlying organizational principles (Sussman and Burchinal 1962: 235-236; Bahle 2008: 102-104; Grandits 2010; Alesina and Giuliano 2014). To better understand differences, for example, in welfare organization, the role of family systems and its variations need to be further understood. Family systems, for example, regulate where kin is located in terms of spatial distance and who else in the kinship network is available. Thereby, family systems influence the organization of kinship networks and impact on degrees of social support that have been observed to influence demographic processes, such as child survival (Sear and Mace 2008: 11; Sear and Coall 2011: 91-93; Strassmann and Gerrard 2011; Snopkowski and Sear 2013: 134-135). In addition, family systems relate to norms and ideals about the life course and the 'normal life' (Neugarten, Moore and Lowe 1965: 711; Livi- Bacci 2001: 149; Plath 2009: 71). Accordingly, family systems need to be included to understand when and why certain kin relationships gain of importance and when and why fertility occurs in people's life courses.Previous research that studied patterns of household organization, has primarily focused on households or patterns of inheritance to identify family systems, often ignoring influential relationship that reach beyond the coresidence unit (Le Play 1884; Murdock 1949; Laslett and Wall 1972; Goody 1976, 1996; Hajnal 1982; Laslett 1983; Wall 1983, 1998; Moring 1998; Todd 1990, 2011; Polla 2006; Iacovou and Skew 2011). However, in many cases important economic and social interdependencies exist among family and kin residing outside the household (Georgas et al. 2001: 299; Jappens and Van Bavel 2012: 103-104; Lee 1985; Yorburg 1975). Over the last decade, such relationships got increasingly recognized and indicators identifying family systems have shifted to those reflecting the social relatedness between kin (Heady and Kohli 2010: 21; Micheli 2012: 19; Viazzo 2010b). However, many studies, such as the influential work of Reher (1998), focused mainly on the general picture of family structures in Europe, while there is only little information about sub-regional differences (Wall 1983; Kalmijn and Saraceno 2008: 503; Viazzo 2010b: 152). Accordingly, there is a need for more detailed regional work on family systems.In addition, previous research that studied the effects of family systems on demographic outcomes often did not test for the hypothesized effects using statistical models (Das Gupta 1997; Skinner 1997; Viazzo 2010a, 2010b; exceptions are Kok 2009, Rotering and Bras 2015). Moreover, empirical studies based on qualitative or quantitative approaches that analysed kin effects mainly focused on the effects of specific kin relationships, such as grandparents and siblings, on fertility, without taking the underlying regional pattern of family organisation into account (for an overview see Bernardi and Klarner 2014). Accordingly, there is little empirical evidence charting the effects of family systems on fertility, while recent research calls for greater attention to macrolevel influences and for micro-macro analyses to explain differences in fertility behaviours (Morgan and Bachrach 2011; Harknett, Billari and Medalia 2014: 3; Philipov, Klobas and Liefbroer 2015; Liefbroer et al. 2015b).Addressing these research gaps, this thesis raises the question (1) how patterns of European family organization (family systems) can be described, when we use regional measures of social relatedness and geographical proximity that go beyond households. Moreover, it tries to (2) explain differences in fertility behaviours and levels of fertility among European regions by differences in family systems. To describe family systems on a region level (NUTS 2) while using measures of social relatedness, this thesis utilizes information on spatial proximity and frequency of contact between kin reported in the 'Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe' (SHARE) (for a detailed description see the Methodological Appendix M1). Aggregating the information on kin relationships at regional levels provides reliable indicators of regional family systems that are highly correlated with indicators used by other researchers (Methodological Appendix M2), such as regional differences in attitudes towards children's independency, attitudes towards marriage, or average household size (compare Reher 1998). Regarding the distribution of the family system indicators, the picture of strong and weak ties in Europe became more divers and more colourful. While the results support the overall picture of a north-south divide between strong and weak family regions (Reher 1998; Hank 2007: 162- 163), the ways how families are organized turned out to be complex at regional levels (see Chapter 2). Using, for example, average frequency of social contact between kin as a criterion, cohesive family bonds are observed even in the Northern European regions. Accordingly, my results support the idea that regional family systems are made up of multiple dimensions (Viazzo 2010a p: 282/283; Viazzo 2010b: 148).Testing to what extent differences in these family system indicators explain people's fertility behaviour, this thesis demonstrates that regional family systems are an integral part of the environments in which fertility behaviour takes place. Family systems structure the organization of individuals in social groups of kin and relate to different degrees of kin interaction and kin support (Skinner 1997; Reher 1998). Thereby, family systems open up possibilities for kin and non-kin influencing each other's fertility behaviours, allowing for social influence (Tooby and Cosmides 1989: 46). As a consequence, family systems impact on the degree to which son's fertility reflects that of his parents (Chapter 5). In addition, regional family systems function as guidelines, as ideal types of how families should be organized (Chapters 2 and 4), while these ideals influence people's attitudes towards children and their opinions about expected and accepted demographic behaviours (Chapter 3). Although families often do not adhere to these ideals, deviations mostly occur within a certain range (Chapter 4). The existence of these ideals has important implications. Since actual patterns of family organization seem to change faster and easier than values regarding family organization (Inglehart 2000, 2008), these ideals lead to cultural lags (Ogburn 1922: 200ff.; Woodard 1934) that can be described as discrepancies between family systems and actual patterns of family organization. In this context, my results (Chapter 4) support the idea that the more people's individual family networks differ from regional family systems, the more likely they postpone or lower their fertility (compare Regnier-Loilier and Vignoli 2011). While fertility is higher in countries and regions where the fit between family ideals and realities is better, such as Sweden (Chapter 4), my results still suggest that there is no 'good' or 'bad' family system per se. The effect of family systems on fertility rather depends on the individual's and the regional socio-economic context, and changes over people's lives (Chapter 6). Accordingly, family system alone cannot explain regional differences in fertility either. Instead, my results support the notion that "It is not structure or culture but rather structure and culture that affect our [demographic] outcomes" (Bachrach 2014: 4).

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2023

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9798708784780Subjects--Topical Terms:

532476
Behavior.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

542853
Electronic books.

Family Systems and Fertility : = Fertility Behaviour in Europe From a Network Perspective.
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Thereby, family systems influence the organization of kinship networks and impact on degrees of social support that have been observed to influence demographic processes, such as child survival (Sear and Mace 2008: 11; Sear and Coall 2011: 91-93; Strassmann and Gerrard 2011; Snopkowski and Sear 2013: 134-135). In addition, family systems relate to norms and ideals about the life course and the 'normal life' (Neugarten, Moore and Lowe 1965: 711; Livi- Bacci 2001: 149; Plath 2009: 71). Accordingly, family systems need to be included to understand when and why certain kin relationships gain of importance and when and why fertility occurs in people's life courses.Previous research that studied patterns of household organization, has primarily focused on households or patterns of inheritance to identify family systems, often ignoring influential relationship that reach beyond the coresidence unit (Le Play 1884; Murdock 1949; Laslett and Wall 1972; Goody 1976, 1996; Hajnal 1982; Laslett 1983; Wall 1983, 1998; Moring 1998; Todd 1990, 2011; Polla 2006; Iacovou and Skew 2011). However, in many cases important economic and social interdependencies exist among family and kin residing outside the household (Georgas et al. 2001: 299; Jappens and Van Bavel 2012: 103-104; Lee 1985; Yorburg 1975). Over the last decade, such relationships got increasingly recognized and indicators identifying family systems have shifted to those reflecting the social relatedness between kin (Heady and Kohli 2010: 21; Micheli 2012: 19; Viazzo 2010b). However, many studies, such as the influential work of Reher (1998), focused mainly on the general picture of family structures in Europe, while there is only little information about sub-regional differences (Wall 1983; Kalmijn and Saraceno 2008: 503; Viazzo 2010b: 152). Accordingly, there is a need for more detailed regional work on family systems.In addition, previous research that studied the effects of family systems on demographic outcomes often did not test for the hypothesized effects using statistical models (Das Gupta 1997; Skinner 1997; Viazzo 2010a, 2010b; exceptions are Kok 2009, Rotering and Bras 2015). Moreover, empirical studies based on qualitative or quantitative approaches that analysed kin effects mainly focused on the effects of specific kin relationships, such as grandparents and siblings, on fertility, without taking the underlying regional pattern of family organisation into account (for an overview see Bernardi and Klarner 2014). Accordingly, there is little empirical evidence charting the effects of family systems on fertility, while recent research calls for greater attention to macrolevel influences and for micro-macro analyses to explain differences in fertility behaviours (Morgan and Bachrach 2011; Harknett, Billari and Medalia 2014: 3; Philipov, Klobas and Liefbroer 2015; Liefbroer et al. 2015b).Addressing these research gaps, this thesis raises the question (1) how patterns of European family organization (family systems) can be described, when we use regional measures of social relatedness and geographical proximity that go beyond households. Moreover, it tries to (2) explain differences in fertility behaviours and levels of fertility among European regions by differences in family systems. To describe family systems on a region level (NUTS 2) while using measures of social relatedness, this thesis utilizes information on spatial proximity and frequency of contact between kin reported in the 'Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe' (SHARE) (for a detailed description see the Methodological Appendix M1). Aggregating the information on kin relationships at regional levels provides reliable indicators of regional family systems that are highly correlated with indicators used by other researchers (Methodological Appendix M2), such as regional differences in attitudes towards children's independency, attitudes towards marriage, or average household size (compare Reher 1998). Regarding the distribution of the family system indicators, the picture of strong and weak ties in Europe became more divers and more colourful. While the results support the overall picture of a north-south divide between strong and weak family regions (Reher 1998; Hank 2007: 162- 163), the ways how families are organized turned out to be complex at regional levels (see Chapter 2). Using, for example, average frequency of social contact between kin as a criterion, cohesive family bonds are observed even in the Northern European regions. Accordingly, my results support the idea that regional family systems are made up of multiple dimensions (Viazzo 2010a p: 282/283; Viazzo 2010b: 148).Testing to what extent differences in these family system indicators explain people's fertility behaviour, this thesis demonstrates that regional family systems are an integral part of the environments in which fertility behaviour takes place. Family systems structure the organization of individuals in social groups of kin and relate to different degrees of kin interaction and kin support (Skinner 1997; Reher 1998). Thereby, family systems open up possibilities for kin and non-kin influencing each other's fertility behaviours, allowing for social influence (Tooby and Cosmides 1989: 46). As a consequence, family systems impact on the degree to which son's fertility reflects that of his parents (Chapter 5). In addition, regional family systems function as guidelines, as ideal types of how families should be organized (Chapters 2 and 4), while these ideals influence people's attitudes towards children and their opinions about expected and accepted demographic behaviours (Chapter 3). Although families often do not adhere to these ideals, deviations mostly occur within a certain range (Chapter 4). The existence of these ideals has important implications. Since actual patterns of family organization seem to change faster and easier than values regarding family organization (Inglehart 2000, 2008), these ideals lead to cultural lags (Ogburn 1922: 200ff.; Woodard 1934) that can be described as discrepancies between family systems and actual patterns of family organization. In this context, my results (Chapter 4) support the idea that the more people's individual family networks differ from regional family systems, the more likely they postpone or lower their fertility (compare Regnier-Loilier and Vignoli 2011). While fertility is higher in countries and regions where the fit between family ideals and realities is better, such as Sweden (Chapter 4), my results still suggest that there is no 'good' or 'bad' family system per se. The effect of family systems on fertility rather depends on the individual's and the regional socio-economic context, and changes over people's lives (Chapter 6). Accordingly, family system alone cannot explain regional differences in fertility either. Instead, my results support the notion that "It is not structure or culture but rather structure and culture that affect our [demographic] outcomes" (Bachrach 2014: 4).
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