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Essays on the Political Economy of Development.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Essays on the Political Economy of Development./
作者:
Morales-Arilla, Jose.
面頁冊數:
1 online resource (239 pages)
附註:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-12, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International83-12A.
標題:
Political science. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=29208313click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:
9798819381984
Essays on the Political Economy of Development.
Morales-Arilla, Jose.
Essays on the Political Economy of Development.
- 1 online resource (239 pages)
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-12, Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Harvard University, 2022.
Includes bibliographical references
In this dissertation, I present three essays on the connections between economic outcomes and political behavior in developing countries. In Chapter 1, I evaluate how autocrats alter their distributive strategies in response to economic shocks. I introduce a model of redistribution and regime stability that shows how in-group favors can be a strategic response to economic downturns. The model predicts that, as economic shocks worsen, autocrats may favor their supporters and confront opposition protests to save on appeasement costs. I test the model's main results in two empirical settings. First, I focus on the Venezuelan blackouts of 2019. Consistent with the model, the Maduro regime was more likely to exempt regime-supporting regions affected by the blackout from later power rationing. Moreover, blackout-induced protests were limited to opposition-leaning regions. I then focus on negative rainfall shocks in Sub-Saharan Africa. Droughts magnify differences in development, protests and state-coercion outcomes in favor of leaders' home regions. Chapter 2 documents how violence resulting from the Mexican Drug War hindered local export growth. Focusing on exports allows us to abstract from foreign demand factors and measure effects on the local capacity to supply foreign markets. We compare exports of the same product to the same country, but facing differential exposure to violence after a close electoral outcome. Firms exogenously exposed to the Drug War experienced lower export growth. Violence eroded capital investment, disproportionately hampering large exporters and capital-intensive activities. Chapter 3 evaluates whether economic gains from globalization erode support for economic nationalism. We study how NAFTA-enhanced local access to US-markets affected Mexican demands for protectionist platforms. The left -led by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)- under-performed in cities benefiting from export access gains during the 2006 presidential elections. This effect is observed strictly in 2006 -the only post-NAFTA election in which debates over trade integration played a salient role. Our findings are robust to controls for import competing pressures from NAFTA and the China Shock. AMLO's 2006 protectionist platform likely cost him that year's election, and campaign media strategies in 2012 seem to respond to this earlier backlash.
Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2023
Mode of access: World Wide Web
ISBN: 9798819381984Subjects--Topical Terms:
528916
Political science.
Subjects--Index Terms:
AutocratsIndex Terms--Genre/Form:
542853
Electronic books.
Essays on the Political Economy of Development.
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Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-12, Section: A.
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Advisor: Glaeser, Edward; Hausmann, Ricardo.
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Includes bibliographical references
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In this dissertation, I present three essays on the connections between economic outcomes and political behavior in developing countries. In Chapter 1, I evaluate how autocrats alter their distributive strategies in response to economic shocks. I introduce a model of redistribution and regime stability that shows how in-group favors can be a strategic response to economic downturns. The model predicts that, as economic shocks worsen, autocrats may favor their supporters and confront opposition protests to save on appeasement costs. I test the model's main results in two empirical settings. First, I focus on the Venezuelan blackouts of 2019. Consistent with the model, the Maduro regime was more likely to exempt regime-supporting regions affected by the blackout from later power rationing. Moreover, blackout-induced protests were limited to opposition-leaning regions. I then focus on negative rainfall shocks in Sub-Saharan Africa. Droughts magnify differences in development, protests and state-coercion outcomes in favor of leaders' home regions. Chapter 2 documents how violence resulting from the Mexican Drug War hindered local export growth. Focusing on exports allows us to abstract from foreign demand factors and measure effects on the local capacity to supply foreign markets. We compare exports of the same product to the same country, but facing differential exposure to violence after a close electoral outcome. Firms exogenously exposed to the Drug War experienced lower export growth. Violence eroded capital investment, disproportionately hampering large exporters and capital-intensive activities. Chapter 3 evaluates whether economic gains from globalization erode support for economic nationalism. We study how NAFTA-enhanced local access to US-markets affected Mexican demands for protectionist platforms. The left -led by Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)- under-performed in cities benefiting from export access gains during the 2006 presidential elections. This effect is observed strictly in 2006 -the only post-NAFTA election in which debates over trade integration played a salient role. Our findings are robust to controls for import competing pressures from NAFTA and the China Shock. AMLO's 2006 protectionist platform likely cost him that year's election, and campaign media strategies in 2012 seem to respond to this earlier backlash.
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