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The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish E...

Ghazanjani, Mehri.

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The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Iran.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Iran./
作者:	Ghazanjani, Mehri.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2019,
面頁冊數:	221 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-10, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International82-10A.
標題:	Collective action. -
電子資源:	https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28266820
ISBN:	9798708707017

The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Iran.
Ghazanjani, Mehri.

The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Iran. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2019 - 221 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-10, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--McGill University (Canada), 2019.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

This project provides a comprehensive analysis of the Kurdish ethno-nationalist movements of Iran. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Kurdish experts, leaders and members of major Iranian Kurdish organizations, and archival data:First, it will be argued that the level of political expression in an ethno-national community is dependent on its organizational resources, the opportunity structure of its environment, and its subjective assessment of the chances of success. The major Iranian Kurdish ethno-nationalist uprisings only emerged in significant form at times when the Iranian state was weak: the 1920s (armed revolts), 1945-1946 (ethno-nationalist separatism), and the early 1980s (full-scale war).These were all instances when the state's willingness and capacity to repress were severely compromised, when powerful allies were available, the institutionalized channels were closed, and Kurdish leaders had a high level of optimism about the prospects of insurgency.Second, focusing on Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran, I look at the dual dimensions of ethnic mobilization: individuals' decision to participate in conflict, and the effect of organizational recruitment strategies on this decision. I argue: first, individual decisions are motivated by family conditions, friendship networks and emotional relationships, prison experience, grievances, material and nonmaterial incentives; and second, the organization proactively engages in recruitment strategies and determines the processes through which individuals can learn about its activities by engaging young individuals in clandestine urban cells in Iran, on social media, and in prison.Third, I look at the geopolitics of ethno-nationalist insurgencies to argue that the Kurdish problem has not been isolated from regional developments, and certainly is not immune to outside interference. Ultimately, the common state policy of the regional powers (Iran, Iraq, and turkey) to use each other's Kurdish population has resulted in the divisiveness amongst the Kurds and has served as an impediment to the formation of a coherent and unitary Kurdish front.

ISBN: 9798708707017Subjects--Topical Terms:

3556016
Collective action.
Subjects--Index Terms:

Iran

The Making and Unmaking of Kurdish Ethno-Nationalism in Iran.
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520 $a This project provides a comprehensive analysis of the Kurdish ethno-nationalist movements of Iran. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Kurdish experts, leaders and members of major Iranian Kurdish organizations, and archival data:First, it will be argued that the level of political expression in an ethno-national community is dependent on its organizational resources, the opportunity structure of its environment, and its subjective assessment of the chances of success. The major Iranian Kurdish ethno-nationalist uprisings only emerged in significant form at times when the Iranian state was weak: the 1920s (armed revolts), 1945-1946 (ethno-nationalist separatism), and the early 1980s (full-scale war).These were all instances when the state's willingness and capacity to repress were severely compromised, when powerful allies were available, the institutionalized channels were closed, and Kurdish leaders had a high level of optimism about the prospects of insurgency.Second, focusing on Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran, I look at the dual dimensions of ethnic mobilization: individuals' decision to participate in conflict, and the effect of organizational recruitment strategies on this decision. I argue: first, individual decisions are motivated by family conditions, friendship networks and emotional relationships, prison experience, grievances, material and nonmaterial incentives; and second, the organization proactively engages in recruitment strategies and determines the processes through which individuals can learn about its activities by engaging young individuals in clandestine urban cells in Iran, on social media, and in prison.Third, I look at the geopolitics of ethno-nationalist insurgencies to argue that the Kurdish problem has not been isolated from regional developments, and certainly is not immune to outside interference. Ultimately, the common state policy of the regional powers (Iran, Iraq, and turkey) to use each other's Kurdish population has resulted in the divisiveness amongst the Kurds and has served as an impediment to the formation of a coherent and unitary Kurdish front.
520 $a Mon projet de doctorat fournit une analyse complete des mouvements ethno-nationalistes kurdesen Iran. S'appuyant sur des entretiens approfondis avec des experts kurdes, des dirigeants et desmembres des organisations kurdes iraniennes, et sur des donnees d'archives, je soutiens:Le niveau d'expression politique dans une communaute ethno-nationale depend de ses ressourcesorganisationnelles, de la structure d'opportunites de son environnement et de son evaluationsubjective des chances de succes. Les principaux soulevements ethno-nationalistes kurdesiraniens ne sont apparus sous une forme significative que lorsque l'Etat iranien etait faible: c'est adire pendant les annees 1920 (revoltes armees), 1945-1946 (separatisme nationaliste) et le debutdes annees 1980 (guerre totale). C'etait tous les cas ou la volonte et la capacite de repression del'Etat etaient gravement affaiblies, lorsqu'une aide exterieure importante etait disponible, lesysteme politique institutionnalise etait ferme et les dirigeants kurdes etaient tres optimistesquant au resultat de l'insurrection.En mettant l'accent sur le Parti democratique kurde d'Iran (PDKI), j'examine les deuxdimensions de la mobilisation ethnique: la decision des individus de participer au conflit etl'effet des strategies de recrutement organisationnel sur cette decision. Je soutiens:premierement, les decisions individuelles sont motivees par les conditions de la famille, lesreseaux d'amitie et les relations affectives, l'experience de la prison, les griefs, les incitationsmaterielles et non materielles; et deuxiemement, l'organisation s'engage de maniere proactivedans des strategies de recrutement et determine les processus permettant aux individus de sefamiliariser avec ses activites en engageant de jeunes individus dans des cellules urbainesclandestines en Iran, sur les medias sociaux et en prison.Le probleme kurde n'a pas ete isole des developpements regionaux, par consequent, il n'estcertainement pas a l'abri des ingerences exterieures. En fin de compte, la politique etatiquecommune des puissances regionales (Iran, Irak et Turquie) consistant a utiliser la populationkurde de l'autre a suscite la discorde parmi les Kurdes et a constitue un obstacle a la formationd'un front kurde coherent et unitaire.
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