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Three Essays on the Effects of Gender and Motherhood on Labor Force Outcomes.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Three Essays on the Effects of Gender and Motherhood on Labor Force Outcomes./
作者:	Doren, Catherine J.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2018,
面頁冊數:	166 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 80-06, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International80-06A.
標題:	Sociology. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=10935338
ISBN:	9780438735644

Three Essays on the Effects of Gender and Motherhood on Labor Force Outcomes.
Doren, Catherine J.

Three Essays on the Effects of Gender and Motherhood on Labor Force Outcomes. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2018 - 166 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 80-06, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2018.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

In this dissertation, I explore how gender inequality-generating processes unfold across the life course and how these processes vary across women. In three stand-alone empirical chapters exploring related themes, I pay specific attention to variation in the effects of gender and motherhood by women's educational attainment. I show that gender and motherhood have heterogeneous effects by education and by other demographic characteristics including race, parity, and fertility timing. I also consider how and why labor force outcomes vary by race, fertility timing, and parity within education groups. By highlighting and identifying variation in processes and effects across groups and across the life course, my findings add nuance to the conversation on women's labor market trajectories. The first empirical chapter, coauthored with Katherine Y. Lin, argues that gender inequality is more complex than a single point-in-time estimate of the earnings gap; there are important differences by age, education, and race. By integrating ideas about intersectional characteristics with life course theories, we uncover whether multiple forms of inequality are maintained, exacerbated, or undone over the life course. We use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79) cohort to estimate growth curve models of annual earnings, paying attention to differences by race and educational attainment in the levels and slopes of men and women's earnings from ages 22 to 47. Our findings indicate that racially- and educationally-advantaged groups see the greatest gender earnings divergence across life, supporting theories of cumulative advantage and glass ceilings. The second empirical chapter asks, to what extent do education differences in timing and parity of women's fertility contribute to education differences in the motherhood wage penalty? Compared to less educated women, college-educated women have children later and have fewer children by the end of their childbearing years. Using fixed-effects models and data from the NLSY79, I estimate heterogeneous effects of motherhood by age at first birth, parity, and age at later births, considering how these effects differ by educational attainment. For women with a college degree, first births were not associated with a wage penalty overall, although a premium was reaped by women who delayed fertility until at least their mid-30s and it increased with further delays. Second and third births, however, did have negative effects on their wages. Less educated women, on the other hand, faced a wage penalty at all births and delaying fertility did not minimize the penalty. These findings suggest that education differences in motherhood wage effects are thus more complex than past estimates have revealed. The third empirical chapter considers how women's chances of labor force exit vary by the number of children they have. Conventional wisdom suggests there may be a tipping point at the second child when women are particularly likely to leave. Women who only ever have one child, by contrast, are thought to be uniquely unlikely to exit. Using data from NLSY79, event history methods estimate the likelihood of labor force exit as women progress across parity transitions. Results show no evidence for a tipping point around the birth of second children. Women are instead most likely to leave the labor force when they are pregnant with their first child and each subsequent child is associated with a smaller increase in the probability of exit. In addition, women who only ever have one child are less likely to leave the labor force than those who have more children and these differences arise as early as their pregnancies with their first children. College-educated women who only ever have one child are especially unlikely to exit. Findings thus do not support the second child tipping point hypothesis, but they emphasize the importance of completed parity and the transition to motherhood for mothers' labor force behavior.

ISBN: 9780438735644Subjects--Topical Terms:

516174
Sociology.

Three Essays on the Effects of Gender and Motherhood on Labor Force Outcomes.
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520 $a In this dissertation, I explore how gender inequality-generating processes unfold across the life course and how these processes vary across women. In three stand-alone empirical chapters exploring related themes, I pay specific attention to variation in the effects of gender and motherhood by women's educational attainment. I show that gender and motherhood have heterogeneous effects by education and by other demographic characteristics including race, parity, and fertility timing. I also consider how and why labor force outcomes vary by race, fertility timing, and parity within education groups. By highlighting and identifying variation in processes and effects across groups and across the life course, my findings add nuance to the conversation on women's labor market trajectories. The first empirical chapter, coauthored with Katherine Y. Lin, argues that gender inequality is more complex than a single point-in-time estimate of the earnings gap; there are important differences by age, education, and race. By integrating ideas about intersectional characteristics with life course theories, we uncover whether multiple forms of inequality are maintained, exacerbated, or undone over the life course. We use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79) cohort to estimate growth curve models of annual earnings, paying attention to differences by race and educational attainment in the levels and slopes of men and women's earnings from ages 22 to 47. Our findings indicate that racially- and educationally-advantaged groups see the greatest gender earnings divergence across life, supporting theories of cumulative advantage and glass ceilings. The second empirical chapter asks, to what extent do education differences in timing and parity of women's fertility contribute to education differences in the motherhood wage penalty? Compared to less educated women, college-educated women have children later and have fewer children by the end of their childbearing years. Using fixed-effects models and data from the NLSY79, I estimate heterogeneous effects of motherhood by age at first birth, parity, and age at later births, considering how these effects differ by educational attainment. For women with a college degree, first births were not associated with a wage penalty overall, although a premium was reaped by women who delayed fertility until at least their mid-30s and it increased with further delays. Second and third births, however, did have negative effects on their wages. Less educated women, on the other hand, faced a wage penalty at all births and delaying fertility did not minimize the penalty. These findings suggest that education differences in motherhood wage effects are thus more complex than past estimates have revealed. The third empirical chapter considers how women's chances of labor force exit vary by the number of children they have. Conventional wisdom suggests there may be a tipping point at the second child when women are particularly likely to leave. Women who only ever have one child, by contrast, are thought to be uniquely unlikely to exit. Using data from NLSY79, event history methods estimate the likelihood of labor force exit as women progress across parity transitions. Results show no evidence for a tipping point around the birth of second children. Women are instead most likely to leave the labor force when they are pregnant with their first child and each subsequent child is associated with a smaller increase in the probability of exit. In addition, women who only ever have one child are less likely to leave the labor force than those who have more children and these differences arise as early as their pregnancies with their first children. College-educated women who only ever have one child are especially unlikely to exit. Findings thus do not support the second child tipping point hypothesis, but they emphasize the importance of completed parity and the transition to motherhood for mothers' labor force behavior.
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