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The grammaticalization of object agr...
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Enrique, Andres.
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The grammaticalization of object agreement in Spanish.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
The grammaticalization of object agreement in Spanish./
作者:
Enrique, Andres.
出版者:
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 1997,
面頁冊數:
213 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 59-09, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International59-09A.
標題:
Linguistics. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9816021
ISBN:
9780591672343
The grammaticalization of object agreement in Spanish.
Enrique, Andres.
The grammaticalization of object agreement in Spanish.
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 1997 - 213 p.
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 59-09, Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Southern California, 1997.
This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
This study aims at identifying the causal mechanisms responsible for the position of inflections relative to verb stems through a synthesis of knowledge from various linguistic traditions. The specific problems addressed are (a) the position of object agreement markers in Modern Spanish, in which only non-finite forms allow suffixes, (b) the patterns of diffusion of prefixation of these markers in the 16th century, for which no principled account has been supplied and (c) the cross-linguistic patterns of affix distribution for agreement categories which, contrary to tense, mood, and aspect, lack a correlation with word order typology and do not exhibit a suffixing preference. The general hypothesis investigated is that the positioning patterns of agreement markers are crucially connected to morphologization and its consequences for language processing. This specifically involves a universal psycholinguistic principle which, during the stage at which morphologization is implemented, prevents fusion of grammatical markers to highly polymorphemic sequences of inflections. This hypothesis is tested through a detailed analysis of morphologization from various perspectives. A crosslinguistic analysis of the semantic and processing factors involved in the historical development of verbal morphology reveals that agreement inflections derive from relativeLy more mobil sources and are more likely to emerge in highly polymorphemic hosts. This, in combination with the proposed psycholinguistic principle that prevents affixation to complex sequences of morphemes (for which supporting crosslinguistic statistical evidence is supplied) explains the lack of suffixing preference exhibited by agreement markers. Similarly, statistical data from the period of morphologization of object agreement in Spanish shows that marked forms (i.e. more polymorphemic) favored proclisis. The resulting situation in Modern Spanish, in which object agreement markers are prefixed to (more polymorphemic) finite forms while suffixation to non finite forms has remained stable, also supports the hypothesis that the shift towards proclisis is connected to polymorphemicity. The diachronic facts, the current Spanish data, and the cross-linguistic evidence converge on a position in which affixes, as a natural result of language change, are dispreferred when they combine with polymorphemic hosts; a phenomenon that is ultimately psychologically motivated.
ISBN: 9780591672343Subjects--Topical Terms:
524476
Linguistics.
The grammaticalization of object agreement in Spanish.
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This study aims at identifying the causal mechanisms responsible for the position of inflections relative to verb stems through a synthesis of knowledge from various linguistic traditions. The specific problems addressed are (a) the position of object agreement markers in Modern Spanish, in which only non-finite forms allow suffixes, (b) the patterns of diffusion of prefixation of these markers in the 16th century, for which no principled account has been supplied and (c) the cross-linguistic patterns of affix distribution for agreement categories which, contrary to tense, mood, and aspect, lack a correlation with word order typology and do not exhibit a suffixing preference. The general hypothesis investigated is that the positioning patterns of agreement markers are crucially connected to morphologization and its consequences for language processing. This specifically involves a universal psycholinguistic principle which, during the stage at which morphologization is implemented, prevents fusion of grammatical markers to highly polymorphemic sequences of inflections. This hypothesis is tested through a detailed analysis of morphologization from various perspectives. A crosslinguistic analysis of the semantic and processing factors involved in the historical development of verbal morphology reveals that agreement inflections derive from relativeLy more mobil sources and are more likely to emerge in highly polymorphemic hosts. This, in combination with the proposed psycholinguistic principle that prevents affixation to complex sequences of morphemes (for which supporting crosslinguistic statistical evidence is supplied) explains the lack of suffixing preference exhibited by agreement markers. Similarly, statistical data from the period of morphologization of object agreement in Spanish shows that marked forms (i.e. more polymorphemic) favored proclisis. The resulting situation in Modern Spanish, in which object agreement markers are prefixed to (more polymorphemic) finite forms while suffixation to non finite forms has remained stable, also supports the hypothesis that the shift towards proclisis is connected to polymorphemicity. The diachronic facts, the current Spanish data, and the cross-linguistic evidence converge on a position in which affixes, as a natural result of language change, are dispreferred when they combine with polymorphemic hosts; a phenomenon that is ultimately psychologically motivated.
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