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Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin C...

Zhang, Ning.

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Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese./
作者:	Zhang, Ning.
面頁冊數:	288 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 59-06, Section: A, page: 2001.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International59-06A.
標題:	Linguistics. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=NQ27759
ISBN:	9780612277595

Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese.
Zhang, Ning.

Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese. - 288 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 59-06, Section: A, page: 2001.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Toronto (Canada), 1997.

This thesis investigates two kinds of syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese: uninterpretable feature checking of clause-level functional heads and dou quantificational binding. Three issues are discussed with respect to checking: object shift, yes/no questions, and the aspect particle le raising. Chinese object shift is argued to be triggered by a focus marker which adjoins to an object. This study also presents a unified treatment of various types of yes/no questions in Chinese. The uninterpretable (Q) of yes/no question C is checked either by the merged particle ma, by overt movement of bu/mei(you)-V from $\Sigma$ to C, or by covert movement of (Q) of shi-bu-shi and A-not-A words. In both object shift and questions the optionality between overt and covert checking occurs. The thesis argues that the strong value of the feature strength of a functional head can be triggered by a certain feature in its complement domain. Thus the choice of overt vs. covert checking can be determined in the computation. The thesis also explains the interactions between yes/no questions and negation by Relativized Minimality and feature compatibility. Furthermore, the thesis argues that sentence final le is base-generated in I and moves to C.

ISBN: 9780612277595Subjects--Topical Terms:

524476
Linguistics.

Syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese.
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500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 59-06, Section: A, page: 2001.
500 $a Adviser: Diane Massam.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Toronto (Canada), 1997.
520 $a This thesis investigates two kinds of syntactic dependencies in Mandarin Chinese: uninterpretable feature checking of clause-level functional heads and dou quantificational binding. Three issues are discussed with respect to checking: object shift, yes/no questions, and the aspect particle le raising. Chinese object shift is argued to be triggered by a focus marker which adjoins to an object. This study also presents a unified treatment of various types of yes/no questions in Chinese. The uninterpretable (Q) of yes/no question C is checked either by the merged particle ma, by overt movement of bu/mei(you)-V from $\Sigma$ to C, or by covert movement of (Q) of shi-bu-shi and A-not-A words. In both object shift and questions the optionality between overt and covert checking occurs. The thesis argues that the strong value of the feature strength of a functional head can be triggered by a certain feature in its complement domain. Thus the choice of overt vs. covert checking can be determined in the computation. The thesis also explains the interactions between yes/no questions and negation by Relativized Minimality and feature compatibility. Furthermore, the thesis argues that sentence final le is base-generated in I and moves to C.
520 $a As for dou quantification, it is shown that a licenser of dou can be an element which is capable of measuring the eventuality, a universal quantifier, an interrogative operator of a WH variable, or an element which has the word wulun 'no-matter' adjoined to it. A pronominal binding approach is adopted rather than a movement checking or unselective operator binding approach. Dou binding allows multiple licensers and the Ba/Bei-phrase blocking effect is explained by the notion of Complete Functional Complex. Like checking, dou binding also respects the Shortest Distance Principle. When dou's licenser has a dependent, whether it is a trace or an operator variable, the dependent must be base-generated in the same clause where dou occurs. Based on the case studies of both checking and binding, the thesis advocates a unified treatment to these two kinds of syntactic dependencies in the computation system.
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