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The enclave economy and immigrant in...

Zhou, Min.

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The enclave economy and immigrant incorporation in New York City's Chinatown.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	The enclave economy and immigrant incorporation in New York City's Chinatown./
作者:	Zhou, Min.
面頁冊數:	229 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-05, Section: A, page: 1448.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International50-05A.
標題:	Sociology, Ethnic and Racial Studies. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=8918972

The enclave economy and immigrant incorporation in New York City's Chinatown.
Zhou, Min.

The enclave economy and immigrant incorporation in New York City's Chinatown. - 229 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-05, Section: A, page: 1448.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--State University of New York at Albany, 1989.

This study addresses a current theoretical issue on the character of the labor market in enclave economies: does the enclave provide a positive alternative for immigrant incorporation into the United States? I study the case of the Chinese enclave--Chinatown--in New York City.Subjects--Topical Terms:

1017474
Sociology, Ethnic and Racial Studies.

The enclave economy and immigrant incorporation in New York City's Chinatown.
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500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-05, Section: A, page: 1448.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--State University of New York at Albany, 1989.
520 $a This study addresses a current theoretical issue on the character of the labor market in enclave economies: does the enclave provide a positive alternative for immigrant incorporation into the United States? I study the case of the Chinese enclave--Chinatown--in New York City.
520 $a My study has generated four major findings: first, since 1965, Chinatown has been transformed from an immigrant ghetto into an economic enclave, which is characterized by a distinct spatial concentration of ethnic businesses, equipped with an ethnic labor force and serving an ethnic market and/or the general population. The development of the enclave is accounted for by post-1965 Chinese immigration, a large influx of foreign capital and a well-organized structure of ethnic social relations. Second, the enclave has reproduced a structural duality: a relatively self-sustained service sector, and a production sector that has extended its interface with the larger economy. This economic duality creates a structure of opportunities for both Chinese immigrant entrepreneurs and workers. Third, the enclave does not hinder economic attainment. Enclave participation by male immigrant workers has been found to yield significant income and occupational returns on human capital, similar to the returns yielded in the larger economy. But income returns have been absent for female immigrant workers. Yet, since the Chinese culture gives priority to the family rather than the individual, what women workers lose in the enclave is still a substantial gain to their families. However, whatever benefits are provided, Chinatown's economy is still dominated by worse jobs at lower pay; it offers some compensation but not equality with the larger economy. Finally, the enclave limits, to some extent, residential mobility for the Chinese. New York City's Chinese immigrants are able to move out of, or bypass, Chinatown to settle in outer boroughs of the City, but not out of the City. Residential dispersion of the City's Chinese does not eliminate the possibility of resegregation.
520 $a I conclude that post-1965 Chinatown does not keep immigrant Chinese from assimilation. The enclave, supported by a structure of economic opportunities and a structure of social relations, provides an alternative path for immigrants to move up socio-economically in the American society.
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