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Love's labor's learned: Experiences...
~
Stacey, Clare Louise.
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Love's labor's learned: Experiences of home health workers caring for elderly and disabled adults.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Love's labor's learned: Experiences of home health workers caring for elderly and disabled adults./
作者:
Stacey, Clare Louise.
面頁冊數:
205 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 65-09, Section: A, page: 3592.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International65-09A.
標題:
Sociology, Public and Social Welfare. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3148501
ISBN:
0496075373
Love's labor's learned: Experiences of home health workers caring for elderly and disabled adults.
Stacey, Clare Louise.
Love's labor's learned: Experiences of home health workers caring for elderly and disabled adults.
- 205 p.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 65-09, Section: A, page: 3592.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Davis, 2004.
This dissertation considers how home care workers attach meaning to their labor and, by extension, to the idea of worker advocacy and unionization. I suggest that home care---as a form of carework that straddles both labor and love---produces a moral orientation to work fueled by the affective bonds formed between workers and their elderly or disabled clients. In general, these moral orientations---what I call "moral repertoires"---prompt workers to downplay pecuniary interests in favor of altruistic motives, although my data suggest this tendency varies by type of provider.
ISBN: 0496075373Subjects--Topical Terms:
1017909
Sociology, Public and Social Welfare.
Love's labor's learned: Experiences of home health workers caring for elderly and disabled adults.
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Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 65-09, Section: A, page: 3592.
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This dissertation considers how home care workers attach meaning to their labor and, by extension, to the idea of worker advocacy and unionization. I suggest that home care---as a form of carework that straddles both labor and love---produces a moral orientation to work fueled by the affective bonds formed between workers and their elderly or disabled clients. In general, these moral orientations---what I call "moral repertoires"---prompt workers to downplay pecuniary interests in favor of altruistic motives, although my data suggest this tendency varies by type of provider.
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Observations and interviews were conducted with thirty-three home care providers (23 non-family providers and 15 family providers), most of who work for In Home Supportive Services (IHSS) in California. My data reveal that while all home care workers emphasize an obligation to care that transcends their own financial needs, there are clear distinctions between non-family and family providers. Non-family providers---home care workers not related to the client---construct moral repertoires that obscure the labor of carework and reinforce the notion that care is a private obligation, a "calling" or a gift. As a result, non-family providers in the sample are indifferent to or dismissive of the union and feel it sullies their fictive kin relationship to clients and diminishes the value of their care. In contrast, and somewhat counter-intuitively, family providers---home care workers paid by IHSS to care for relatives in the home---construct moral repertoires that emphasize their care as work, worthy of public compensation from the state. Family providers readily accept the Taylorization of their care, using a language of routinization to render their labor visible. In general, family providers in the sample are supportive of the union and comprise the bulk of active rank and file. I argue that family providers are able to reconcile labor and love because their moral repertoire justifies paid carework as a component of familial and civic duty, both of which serve the public good.
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http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3148501
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