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Electing to punish: Congress, race,...

Murakawa, Naomi.

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Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state./
作者:	Murakawa, Naomi.
面頁冊數:	207 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-03, Section: A, page: 1146.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International66-03A.
標題:	Political Science, General. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3168958
ISBN:	0542049457

Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state.
Murakawa, Naomi.

Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state. - 207 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-03, Section: A, page: 1146.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Yale University, 2005.

This dissertation explains the political motivations and mechanisms driving America's racially distinctive punishment expansion. Focusing on the U.S. Congress, I examine why crime became a national issue in the mid-1960s and why Congress designed prison-centered crime policy in the last third of the twentieth century, contributing to an American incarceration rate that is the highest in the world.

ISBN: 0542049457Subjects--Topical Terms:

1017391
Political Science, General.

Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state.
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245 1 0 $a Electing to punish: Congress, race, and the American criminal justice state.
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500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-03, Section: A, page: 1146.
500 $a Director: Rogers M. Smith.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Yale University, 2005.
520 $a This dissertation explains the political motivations and mechanisms driving America's racially distinctive punishment expansion. Focusing on the U.S. Congress, I examine why crime became a national issue in the mid-1960s and why Congress designed prison-centered crime policy in the last third of the twentieth century, contributing to an American incarceration rate that is the highest in the world.
520 $a My claim is the evolution of racial politics in the civil rights and post-civil rights era is the most important factor explaining the development of congressional crime policy. Federal crime policy operates in a race-laden electoral connection, in which racial framings of the crime problem, racial stratification of policy costs, and the political power of black Americans fundamentally structure electoral incentives. Early congressional intervention linked crime to black equality: Republicans and southern Democrats suggested crime was the product of excessive civil rights agendas, while northern Democrats suggested crime was the product of incomplete civil rights agendas. With this framing, the federal government was implicated in crime control, and the development of federal crime policy was inextricably tied to controversies over the status, behavior, and political power of black Americans.
520 $a Congressional crime policy turned punitive as black civil rights subsided from the national agenda and as Democrats began to fear that defending racially progressive crime policy was politically synonymous with defending black criminality. Based on party platforms and capital crime bills, I found that after 1984 political parties abandoned debate on punishment and instead waged punitive bidding wars. Based on my original dataset of federal mandatory minimums from 1789 to 2000, I found a post-1984 mandatory minimum electoral staircase, in which punitive legislation passed only in the few weeks preceding an election. Both punitive bidding wars and the mandatory minimum electoral staircase are manifestations of how electoral incentives operate in post-civil rights era racial politics. This dissertation concludes by situating my empirical findings in broader theoretical debates about the dilemmas of punishment in the context of racially-stratified democratic governance.
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