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Time, energy, and indolent savage: A...
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Sackett, Ross De Forest.
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Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis./
作者:
Sackett, Ross De Forest.
面頁冊數:
803 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-05, Section: A, page: 2114.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International57-05A.
標題:
Anthropology, Cultural. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9629209
Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
Sackett, Ross De Forest.
Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
- 803 p.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-05, Section: A, page: 2114.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1996.
Do activity patterns vary consistently with cultural complexity? Many anthropologists argue that ethnographic small-scale foraging and horticultural peoples represent an "original affluent society" in which needs are met by only 4-5 hours of labor a day; by contrast, workloads in more complex societies like own are thought to be much higher, with "leisure" both scarcer and more harried. To test this theory of primitive affluence I examined cross-cultural variation in adult time allocation and energy expenditure in a global ethnographic sample of small- and large-scale societies. The time allocation data (102 cases from 76 societies) indicates that (1) average daily adult time in production increases from 4 hours in small-scale societies (foragers and horticulturalists) to 5-1/2 hours in large-scale societies (agriculturalists and industrialists); (2) housework time shows little trend with scale, averaging 3 hours per adult day; (3) total work time (production plus housework) increases from 6-7 hours in small-scale societies to about 9 hours in large-scale societies. These findings were generally consistent with the primitive affluence hypothesis. Energy expenditure data (207 cases from 98 societies) showed some consistent contrasts with scale, including a tendency towards higher resting rates but lower activity rates (matched task-for-task) among small-scale societies; also, taken overall "work" tended to be somewhat less physically-demanding in large-scale societies, but nonwork was considerably more active than in small-scale societies. However, available data were equivocal whether daily levels of physical activity tended to increase or remain about the same with cultural complexity. In addition I explore the implications of patterns in time and energy for our understanding of global human behavioral tendencies, the household division of labor, and historical trends in workload.Subjects--Topical Terms:
735016
Anthropology, Cultural.
Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
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Do activity patterns vary consistently with cultural complexity? Many anthropologists argue that ethnographic small-scale foraging and horticultural peoples represent an "original affluent society" in which needs are met by only 4-5 hours of labor a day; by contrast, workloads in more complex societies like own are thought to be much higher, with "leisure" both scarcer and more harried. To test this theory of primitive affluence I examined cross-cultural variation in adult time allocation and energy expenditure in a global ethnographic sample of small- and large-scale societies. The time allocation data (102 cases from 76 societies) indicates that (1) average daily adult time in production increases from 4 hours in small-scale societies (foragers and horticulturalists) to 5-1/2 hours in large-scale societies (agriculturalists and industrialists); (2) housework time shows little trend with scale, averaging 3 hours per adult day; (3) total work time (production plus housework) increases from 6-7 hours in small-scale societies to about 9 hours in large-scale societies. These findings were generally consistent with the primitive affluence hypothesis. Energy expenditure data (207 cases from 98 societies) showed some consistent contrasts with scale, including a tendency towards higher resting rates but lower activity rates (matched task-for-task) among small-scale societies; also, taken overall "work" tended to be somewhat less physically-demanding in large-scale societies, but nonwork was considerably more active than in small-scale societies. However, available data were equivocal whether daily levels of physical activity tended to increase or remain about the same with cultural complexity. In addition I explore the implications of patterns in time and energy for our understanding of global human behavioral tendencies, the household division of labor, and historical trends in workload.
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