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Time, energy, and indolent savage: A...

Sackett, Ross De Forest.

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Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.

Record Type:	Language materials, printed : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis./
Author:	Sackett, Ross De Forest.
Description:	803 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-05, Section: A, page: 2114.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International57-05A.
Subject:	Anthropology, Cultural. -
Online resource:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9629209

Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
Sackett, Ross De Forest.

Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis. - 803 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-05, Section: A, page: 2114.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1996.

Do activity patterns vary consistently with cultural complexity? Many anthropologists argue that ethnographic small-scale foraging and horticultural peoples represent an "original affluent society" in which needs are met by only 4-5 hours of labor a day; by contrast, workloads in more complex societies like own are thought to be much higher, with "leisure" both scarcer and more harried. To test this theory of primitive affluence I examined cross-cultural variation in adult time allocation and energy expenditure in a global ethnographic sample of small- and large-scale societies. The time allocation data (102 cases from 76 societies) indicates that (1) average daily adult time in production increases from 4 hours in small-scale societies (foragers and horticulturalists) to 5-1/2 hours in large-scale societies (agriculturalists and industrialists); (2) housework time shows little trend with scale, averaging 3 hours per adult day; (3) total work time (production plus housework) increases from 6-7 hours in small-scale societies to about 9 hours in large-scale societies. These findings were generally consistent with the primitive affluence hypothesis. Energy expenditure data (207 cases from 98 societies) showed some consistent contrasts with scale, including a tendency towards higher resting rates but lower activity rates (matched task-for-task) among small-scale societies; also, taken overall "work" tended to be somewhat less physically-demanding in large-scale societies, but nonwork was considerably more active than in small-scale societies. However, available data were equivocal whether daily levels of physical activity tended to increase or remain about the same with cultural complexity. In addition I explore the implications of patterns in time and energy for our understanding of global human behavioral tendencies, the household division of labor, and historical trends in workload.Subjects--Topical Terms:

735016
Anthropology, Cultural.

Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
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100 1 $a Sackett, Ross De Forest. $3 1671262
245 1 0 $a Time, energy, and indolent savage: A quantitative cross-cultural test of the primitive affluence hypothesis.
300 $a 803 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 57-05, Section: A, page: 2114.
500 $a Advisor: Allen W. Johnson.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1996.
520 $a Do activity patterns vary consistently with cultural complexity? Many anthropologists argue that ethnographic small-scale foraging and horticultural peoples represent an "original affluent society" in which needs are met by only 4-5 hours of labor a day; by contrast, workloads in more complex societies like own are thought to be much higher, with "leisure" both scarcer and more harried. To test this theory of primitive affluence I examined cross-cultural variation in adult time allocation and energy expenditure in a global ethnographic sample of small- and large-scale societies. The time allocation data (102 cases from 76 societies) indicates that (1) average daily adult time in production increases from 4 hours in small-scale societies (foragers and horticulturalists) to 5-1/2 hours in large-scale societies (agriculturalists and industrialists); (2) housework time shows little trend with scale, averaging 3 hours per adult day; (3) total work time (production plus housework) increases from 6-7 hours in small-scale societies to about 9 hours in large-scale societies. These findings were generally consistent with the primitive affluence hypothesis. Energy expenditure data (207 cases from 98 societies) showed some consistent contrasts with scale, including a tendency towards higher resting rates but lower activity rates (matched task-for-task) among small-scale societies; also, taken overall "work" tended to be somewhat less physically-demanding in large-scale societies, but nonwork was considerably more active than in small-scale societies. However, available data were equivocal whether daily levels of physical activity tended to increase or remain about the same with cultural complexity. In addition I explore the implications of patterns in time and energy for our understanding of global human behavioral tendencies, the household division of labor, and historical trends in workload.
590 $a School code: 0031.
650 4 $a Anthropology, Cultural. $3 735016
650 4 $a Economics, Labor. $3 1019135
690 $a 0326
690 $a 0510
710 2 $a University of California, Los Angeles. $3 626622
773 0 $t Dissertation Abstracts International $g 57-05A.
790 1 0 $a Johnson, Allen W., $e advisor
790 $a 0031
791 $a Ph.D.
792 $a 1996
856 4 0 $u http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9629209