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Household division in Qing and Repub...

Wakefield, David R.

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Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development.

紀錄類型:	書目-語言資料,印刷品 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development./
作者:	Wakefield, David R.
面頁冊數:	313 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-12, Section: A, page: 4441.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International53-12A.
標題:	Anthropology, Cultural. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=9310882

Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development.
Wakefield, David R.

Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development. - 313 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-12, Section: A, page: 4441.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1992.

This dissertation analyzes China's inheritance regime, in particular the practice of household division. Chapter one argues that despite some changes over historical time, Chinese inheritance law remained fundamentally unchanged for at least 1,000 years. The basic principles of Chinese household division were (1) all sons inherited equally; (2) unmarried siblings received marriage expenses; and (3) living parents received support. Chapter two describes why, when and how household division took place. Chapters three and four use Qing Taiwan and Republican North China as examples to analyze the rights of individuals in the family at the point of household division, and the ways property such as housing and land were divided. Chapter five argues that despite the fundamental similarities in the two regions, families in certain regions and social classes made different use of set asides and trusts to pursue their interests. These difference I label orientations, and I have identified three of them: family, lineage, and gentry education. Chapter six argues that household division and its orientations had an impact on farm size, plot size, and land holding patterns. The analysis of inheritance, family property, and land is then used to test the work of Jack Goody, Shiga Shuzo, Niida Noboru, and Douglass North. I conclude that Jack Goody has properly understood Chinese inheritance, and that Niida Noboru's analysis of family property as joint property is correct. I further conclude that Douglass North's conception that Third World institutions often tend to inhibit capitalist development is true for China to the extent that household division tended to cause both economic inefficiency and population growth.Subjects--Topical Terms:

735016
Anthropology, Cultural.

Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development.
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245 1 0 $a Household division in Qing and Republican China: Inheritance, family property, and economic development.
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500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 53-12, Section: A, page: 4441.
500 $a Co-Chairs: Philip C. C. Huang; Kathryn Bernhardt.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1992.
520 $a This dissertation analyzes China's inheritance regime, in particular the practice of household division. Chapter one argues that despite some changes over historical time, Chinese inheritance law remained fundamentally unchanged for at least 1,000 years. The basic principles of Chinese household division were (1) all sons inherited equally; (2) unmarried siblings received marriage expenses; and (3) living parents received support. Chapter two describes why, when and how household division took place. Chapters three and four use Qing Taiwan and Republican North China as examples to analyze the rights of individuals in the family at the point of household division, and the ways property such as housing and land were divided. Chapter five argues that despite the fundamental similarities in the two regions, families in certain regions and social classes made different use of set asides and trusts to pursue their interests. These difference I label orientations, and I have identified three of them: family, lineage, and gentry education. Chapter six argues that household division and its orientations had an impact on farm size, plot size, and land holding patterns. The analysis of inheritance, family property, and land is then used to test the work of Jack Goody, Shiga Shuzo, Niida Noboru, and Douglass North. I conclude that Jack Goody has properly understood Chinese inheritance, and that Niida Noboru's analysis of family property as joint property is correct. I further conclude that Douglass North's conception that Third World institutions often tend to inhibit capitalist development is true for China to the extent that household division tended to cause both economic inefficiency and population growth.
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650 4 $a Economics, History. $3 1017418
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