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Muslim Nationalism and Public Attitudes Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Muslim Nationalism and Public Attitudes Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey./
作者:
Morgul, Kerem.
出版者:
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2022,
面頁冊數:
255 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-12, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International83-12A.
標題:
Sociology. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=29212912
ISBN:
9798438786115
Muslim Nationalism and Public Attitudes Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey.
Morgul, Kerem.
Muslim Nationalism and Public Attitudes Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey.
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2022 - 255 p.
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 83-12, Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2022.
This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
This dissertation investigates the official discourse on and public sentiment toward Syrian refugees in Turkey within the context of a populist and civilizationist "Muslim nation" project championed by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan-a project that elevates Islam as the core element of Turkish national identity and promotes a neo-imperial vision of Turkey as the natural leader and guardian of Muslims, particularly in former Ottoman territories.Using both primary and secondary sources, the first empirical chapter documents how Erdogan's Muslim nationalism differs from Kemalist nationalism, the founding ideology of Turkey, in its portrayals of the Turkish nation's symbolic boundaries, collective past, and rightful place and mission in the world. The chapter also sheds light on the populist and civilizationist underpinnings of Muslim nationalism, highlighting how Erdogan has engaged in a multifaceted politics of victimhood to consolidate his conservative supporters. It argues that the Muslim nationalism of Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party should be seen as a particular manifestation of the global rise of "civilizationist populism" in the 21st century.Combining thematic analysis with dictionary-based automated coding on a corpus of 554 public speeches, the second empirical chapter examines the ways in which Erdogan has employed Muslim nationalist narratives to prevent a popular backlash against Syrian refugees. While populism research tends to rely on a simplistic dichotomy between civic-inclusionary and ethnocultural-exclusionary national boundaries, here I show that right-wing populism and the ethnocultural forms of "people-making" associated with it do not necessarily lead to an outright exclusion of refugees. Depending on how they interpret the nation's collective past and its rightful place and mission in the world, right-wing populist leaders may in fact adopt a relatively welcoming stance toward migrants whom they see as culturally similar to "us." More broadly, I posit that inclusion and exclusion are matters of degree and that populist leaders may alter their position on migrants in response to the signals from their mass audiences.Drawing data from nine focus group discussions conducted in Istanbul in November 2019, an original survey of Istanbul residents conducted in July-August 2020, and a nationally representative public opinion poll conducted in February 2016, the third empirical chapter investigates how religious conservatives respond to the Muslim nationalist discourse on Syrian refugees. A thematic analysis of the focus group data reveals that while conservative Sunni Muslims generally acknowledge their religious "duty" to help Syrians, they are also deeply concerned about the material impact of the refugee crisis on themselves and their communities. Using an original survey as well as a public opinion poll, I provide further evidence for this tension between Islamic fraternity and material concerns in religious conservatives' attitudes toward Syrian refugees. In contrast to the Eurocentric literature, which discusses religion mainly in terms of its negative effects on refugee/host society relations, I find that religious motives have a bias-reducing impact on conservatives' attitudes toward Syrian refugees. However, I also demonstrate that the pro-refugee effects of religious conservatism diminish as individual economic concerns increase. I thus argue that instead of viewing cultural and economic explanations as competing perspectives, scholars should pay attention to how symbolic and material factors may interact in shaping native-born citizens' migration preferences.The concluding chapter summarizes the dissertation's contributions and argues that populist nationalism is best viewed as a dynamic and relational process of "people-making," a process that involves ongoing negotiations between political leaders and their mass audiences in the context of changing political, economic, and social circumstances.
ISBN: 9798438786115Subjects--Topical Terms:
516174
Sociology.
Subjects--Index Terms:
Islamism
Muslim Nationalism and Public Attitudes Toward Syrian Refugees in Turkey.
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This dissertation investigates the official discourse on and public sentiment toward Syrian refugees in Turkey within the context of a populist and civilizationist "Muslim nation" project championed by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan-a project that elevates Islam as the core element of Turkish national identity and promotes a neo-imperial vision of Turkey as the natural leader and guardian of Muslims, particularly in former Ottoman territories.Using both primary and secondary sources, the first empirical chapter documents how Erdogan's Muslim nationalism differs from Kemalist nationalism, the founding ideology of Turkey, in its portrayals of the Turkish nation's symbolic boundaries, collective past, and rightful place and mission in the world. The chapter also sheds light on the populist and civilizationist underpinnings of Muslim nationalism, highlighting how Erdogan has engaged in a multifaceted politics of victimhood to consolidate his conservative supporters. It argues that the Muslim nationalism of Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party should be seen as a particular manifestation of the global rise of "civilizationist populism" in the 21st century.Combining thematic analysis with dictionary-based automated coding on a corpus of 554 public speeches, the second empirical chapter examines the ways in which Erdogan has employed Muslim nationalist narratives to prevent a popular backlash against Syrian refugees. While populism research tends to rely on a simplistic dichotomy between civic-inclusionary and ethnocultural-exclusionary national boundaries, here I show that right-wing populism and the ethnocultural forms of "people-making" associated with it do not necessarily lead to an outright exclusion of refugees. Depending on how they interpret the nation's collective past and its rightful place and mission in the world, right-wing populist leaders may in fact adopt a relatively welcoming stance toward migrants whom they see as culturally similar to "us." More broadly, I posit that inclusion and exclusion are matters of degree and that populist leaders may alter their position on migrants in response to the signals from their mass audiences.Drawing data from nine focus group discussions conducted in Istanbul in November 2019, an original survey of Istanbul residents conducted in July-August 2020, and a nationally representative public opinion poll conducted in February 2016, the third empirical chapter investigates how religious conservatives respond to the Muslim nationalist discourse on Syrian refugees. A thematic analysis of the focus group data reveals that while conservative Sunni Muslims generally acknowledge their religious "duty" to help Syrians, they are also deeply concerned about the material impact of the refugee crisis on themselves and their communities. Using an original survey as well as a public opinion poll, I provide further evidence for this tension between Islamic fraternity and material concerns in religious conservatives' attitudes toward Syrian refugees. In contrast to the Eurocentric literature, which discusses religion mainly in terms of its negative effects on refugee/host society relations, I find that religious motives have a bias-reducing impact on conservatives' attitudes toward Syrian refugees. However, I also demonstrate that the pro-refugee effects of religious conservatism diminish as individual economic concerns increase. I thus argue that instead of viewing cultural and economic explanations as competing perspectives, scholars should pay attention to how symbolic and material factors may interact in shaping native-born citizens' migration preferences.The concluding chapter summarizes the dissertation's contributions and argues that populist nationalism is best viewed as a dynamic and relational process of "people-making," a process that involves ongoing negotiations between political leaders and their mass audiences in the context of changing political, economic, and social circumstances.
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http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=29212912
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