語系:
繁體中文
English
說明(常見問題)
回圖書館首頁
手機版館藏查詢
登入
回首頁
切換:
標籤
|
MARC模式
|
ISBD
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal M...
~
Hart, Maria Ramona.
FindBook
Google Book
Amazon
博客來
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999./
作者:
Hart, Maria Ramona.
出版者:
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2020,
面頁冊數:
420 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-01, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International82-01A.
標題:
Cultural anthropology. -
電子資源:
https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28022308
ISBN:
9798662409149
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999.
Hart, Maria Ramona.
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999.
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2020 - 420 p.
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-01, Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of New York, 2020.
This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
This dissertation is about a faction of the Sociedad Civil Las Abejas who, as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), were housed at the INI IDP camp in San Cristobal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, in 1997-99 after the Acteal massacre on December 22, 1997. This faction is of interest because they protested the remaining members of Sociedad Civil Las Abejas (Civil Society The Bees) social movement at Acteal and the EZLN (Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional, often better-known as the Zapatistas), because the movement required them to reject governmental humanitarian aid and development programs or lose their membership in the social movement. Challenging David Graeber's (2011) conception of debt as something accumulated among social equals, I show that the aid, which I contend was not in any sense a "free gift" as it demanded reciprocity (as part of a gift economy), was most often accepted-specifically that IDP recipients who accepted this aid drop out of the Zapatista movement and embrace the PRI, or Party of the Institutional Revolution, to whom they would acquire a debt of loyalty in a clientelistic mechanism. The study analyzes the ways that poverty obstructs projects of indigenous and "original peoples'" resistance against states, such as Spanish colonial, Mexico or Guatemala (Chiapas was a department of Guatemala until 1841), that have dominated them for centuries. Repression, preventable death, enslavement, illiteracy, illness, corruption, underdevelopment, racism, domination, displacement, deterritorialization, extractavism, dispossession and accumulation by dispossession in Chiapas have kept poverty indicators among the highest of Mexican states and comparable to much poorer countries elsewhere in the world. I argue that under these extreme conditions, resistance to the state is harder to sustain, causing many to reject the idea of resistance-and to drop out of resistance movements, a factor that has been under-theorized in the social movements literature. And, more critical to this study, I argue that much humanitarian aid, especially from federal government and international sources, is "assistentialist" in that it is fundamentally "charity," treating the symptoms rather than the structural causes of poverty, and not changing the fundamentals of people's lives. I contend that the IDPs at the INI camp were more likely to be critical of aid that was a "free gift" and assistentialist than non-assistentialist aid-because this aid simply placed a band-aid on their absolute poverty. Drawing on my fieldwork in the camps in 1997, 1998 and 1999, as well as a return visit with 14 of the families that were housed there, I show how the INI camp illustrated Fassin's (2012) critique that humanitarian efforts are fraught with difficulties, from critical and uncompliant refugees and IDPs, who are never grateful nor docile, to the declaration of a state of exception within Mexico in September, 1998, to a host of other problems and issues. In short, I ask why did some people embrace (government sourced) humanitarianism in a context in which it was rejected politically by powerful local actors, such as the EZLN? I showed how the Mexican government's Progresa/Oportunidades/Prospera cash transfer program was structured to counter "the problem" of Zapatismo, along the lines of the Maussian dualism between prestation and war, and how it aligned with a Marxian reading of "history from below." I showed how the Chiapas conflict had become a civil war by 1997 with paramilitaries carrying out the massacre at Acteal-and the mild reaction that Las Abejas had toward the paramilitary wandering freely in Acteal during 1999, and the paramilitaries' light sentencing for the massacre. I also offered a clear illustration of how the IDPs were social agents with "a feel for the game" (Bourdieu 2005), causing many of them to make individual choices which embraced but then rejected the PRI, whom they saw principally as among their "enemies" bearing "gifts." The study also illustrates the power of representatives of the Mexican government to divide the neo-Zapatista social movement-that is, the modern Zapatista movement, including all the movements allied with the EZLN-particularly when abject poverty and hardship were involved.
ISBN: 9798662409149Subjects--Topical Terms:
2122764
Cultural anthropology.
Subjects--Index Terms:
Acteal
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999.
LDR
:05567nmm a2200385 4500
001
2281797
005
20210927083148.5
008
220723s2020 ||||||||||||||||| ||eng d
020
$a
9798662409149
035
$a
(MiAaPQ)AAI28022308
035
$a
AAI28022308
040
$a
MiAaPQ
$c
MiAaPQ
100
1
$a
Hart, Maria Ramona.
$0
(orcid)0000-0002-7615-8619
$3
3560509
245
1 0
$a
"The Gifts of Enemies": The Acteal Massacre, Sociedad Civil las Abejas and Mexico's Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional and Humanitarian and Development Aid during the Low-Intensity War, 1997-1999.
260
1
$a
Ann Arbor :
$b
ProQuest Dissertations & Theses,
$c
2020
300
$a
420 p.
500
$a
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 82-01, Section: A.
500
$a
Advisor: Tovar, Patricia.
502
$a
Thesis (Ph.D.)--City University of New York, 2020.
506
$a
This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
520
$a
This dissertation is about a faction of the Sociedad Civil Las Abejas who, as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), were housed at the INI IDP camp in San Cristobal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico, in 1997-99 after the Acteal massacre on December 22, 1997. This faction is of interest because they protested the remaining members of Sociedad Civil Las Abejas (Civil Society The Bees) social movement at Acteal and the EZLN (Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional, often better-known as the Zapatistas), because the movement required them to reject governmental humanitarian aid and development programs or lose their membership in the social movement. Challenging David Graeber's (2011) conception of debt as something accumulated among social equals, I show that the aid, which I contend was not in any sense a "free gift" as it demanded reciprocity (as part of a gift economy), was most often accepted-specifically that IDP recipients who accepted this aid drop out of the Zapatista movement and embrace the PRI, or Party of the Institutional Revolution, to whom they would acquire a debt of loyalty in a clientelistic mechanism. The study analyzes the ways that poverty obstructs projects of indigenous and "original peoples'" resistance against states, such as Spanish colonial, Mexico or Guatemala (Chiapas was a department of Guatemala until 1841), that have dominated them for centuries. Repression, preventable death, enslavement, illiteracy, illness, corruption, underdevelopment, racism, domination, displacement, deterritorialization, extractavism, dispossession and accumulation by dispossession in Chiapas have kept poverty indicators among the highest of Mexican states and comparable to much poorer countries elsewhere in the world. I argue that under these extreme conditions, resistance to the state is harder to sustain, causing many to reject the idea of resistance-and to drop out of resistance movements, a factor that has been under-theorized in the social movements literature. And, more critical to this study, I argue that much humanitarian aid, especially from federal government and international sources, is "assistentialist" in that it is fundamentally "charity," treating the symptoms rather than the structural causes of poverty, and not changing the fundamentals of people's lives. I contend that the IDPs at the INI camp were more likely to be critical of aid that was a "free gift" and assistentialist than non-assistentialist aid-because this aid simply placed a band-aid on their absolute poverty. Drawing on my fieldwork in the camps in 1997, 1998 and 1999, as well as a return visit with 14 of the families that were housed there, I show how the INI camp illustrated Fassin's (2012) critique that humanitarian efforts are fraught with difficulties, from critical and uncompliant refugees and IDPs, who are never grateful nor docile, to the declaration of a state of exception within Mexico in September, 1998, to a host of other problems and issues. In short, I ask why did some people embrace (government sourced) humanitarianism in a context in which it was rejected politically by powerful local actors, such as the EZLN? I showed how the Mexican government's Progresa/Oportunidades/Prospera cash transfer program was structured to counter "the problem" of Zapatismo, along the lines of the Maussian dualism between prestation and war, and how it aligned with a Marxian reading of "history from below." I showed how the Chiapas conflict had become a civil war by 1997 with paramilitaries carrying out the massacre at Acteal-and the mild reaction that Las Abejas had toward the paramilitary wandering freely in Acteal during 1999, and the paramilitaries' light sentencing for the massacre. I also offered a clear illustration of how the IDPs were social agents with "a feel for the game" (Bourdieu 2005), causing many of them to make individual choices which embraced but then rejected the PRI, whom they saw principally as among their "enemies" bearing "gifts." The study also illustrates the power of representatives of the Mexican government to divide the neo-Zapatista social movement-that is, the modern Zapatista movement, including all the movements allied with the EZLN-particularly when abject poverty and hardship were involved.
590
$a
School code: 0046.
650
4
$a
Cultural anthropology.
$3
2122764
650
4
$a
Sociology.
$3
516174
650
4
$a
Latin American studies.
$3
2122903
653
$a
Acteal
653
$a
Acteal massacre
653
$a
Chiapas
653
$a
Mexico
653
$a
Paramilitary
653
$a
Zapatistas
690
$a
0326
690
$a
0626
690
$a
0550
710
2
$a
City University of New York.
$b
Anthropology.
$3
1064971
773
0
$t
Dissertations Abstracts International
$g
82-01A.
790
$a
0046
791
$a
Ph.D.
792
$a
2020
793
$a
English
856
4 0
$u
https://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=28022308
筆 0 讀者評論
館藏地:
全部
電子資源
出版年:
卷號:
館藏
1 筆 • 頁數 1 •
1
條碼號
典藏地名稱
館藏流通類別
資料類型
索書號
使用類型
借閱狀態
預約狀態
備註欄
附件
W9433530
電子資源
11.線上閱覽_V
電子書
EB
一般使用(Normal)
在架
0
1 筆 • 頁數 1 •
1
多媒體
評論
新增評論
分享你的心得
Export
取書館
處理中
...
變更密碼
登入