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Phonological and Morphological Patte...

Boutilier, Matthew.

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Phonological and Morphological Patterns in Old High German Umlaut.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Phonological and Morphological Patterns in Old High German Umlaut./
作者:	Boutilier, Matthew.
出版者:	Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, : 2019,
面頁冊數:	303 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 80-12, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International80-12A.
標題:	Linguistics. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=13900065
ISBN:	9781392290798

Phonological and Morphological Patterns in Old High German Umlaut.
Boutilier, Matthew.

Phonological and Morphological Patterns in Old High German Umlaut. - Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2019 - 303 p.

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 80-12, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2019.

This item must not be added to any third party search indexes.

Scholarly treatments of umlaut (i-mutation) in Old High German observe, as far back as the earliest handbooks (e.g., Braune 1886), that *hC clusters tend to block umlaut of short *a to e, but stop short of regarding the fronting and raising of short a → e before *i(ː) or *j ("primary umlaut") as a diachronically intermediate step between Germanic raising of e before i (e.g., pre-Gmc *nemizi → PGmc *nimizi 'du nimmst') and the more comprehensive fronting of long *a and back vowels before *i ("secondary umlaut"). By obtaining and analyzing data on the success rate of orthographic umlaut with respect to various phonological and morphological environments, this dissertation lays the groundwork for painting a more nuanced picture of the evolution of German umlaut in accordance with the "Wisconsin School" view (Buccini 1992, Iverson & Salmons 1996, Howell & Salmons 1997) that primary umlaut is to be regarded not as a monolithic sound change but as gradual process that began in certain environments and later spread to others.I examine tokens from two major OHG texts (Otfrid's Evangelienbuch and two different MSs of the German-Latin glossary Abrogans) as well as three shorter texts with diverse chronological and geographical origins (the OHG Isidor, the Murbacher Hymnen, and the poetic fragment Muspilli). Besides marking for the obvious features (umlauted vowel written as , trigger as , and intervening consonants), I also assign the morphological relationship between trigger and umlautable vowel to one of four categories that represent diminishing presence of an umlaut trigger in the paradigm: Root trigger: megin 'strength' ← *magin-a- Stem trigger: steti 'place (DAT)' ← *stad-i- Inflectional trigger: ferit 'goes' ← *far-i-d Derivational trigger: kihenkitha 'agreement' ← *ga-hang-iþo-The resulting data attest different manifestations of primary umlaut between the source texts but parallel overall patterns in the phonological and morphological spread of umlaut of short *a in Old High German, which can shed critical light on how the process of primary umlaut originated.

ISBN: 9781392290798Subjects--Topical Terms:

524476
Linguistics.

Phonological and Morphological Patterns in Old High German Umlaut.
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500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 80-12, Section: A.
500 $a Publisher info.: Dissertation/Thesis.
500 $a Advisor: Howell, Robert.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Wisconsin - Madison, 2019.
506 $a This item must not be added to any third party search indexes.
506 $a This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
520 $a Scholarly treatments of umlaut (i-mutation) in Old High German observe, as far back as the earliest handbooks (e.g., Braune 1886), that *hC clusters tend to block umlaut of short *a to e, but stop short of regarding the fronting and raising of short a → e before *i(ː) or *j ("primary umlaut") as a diachronically intermediate step between Germanic raising of e before i (e.g., pre-Gmc *nemizi → PGmc *nimizi 'du nimmst') and the more comprehensive fronting of long *a and back vowels before *i ("secondary umlaut"). By obtaining and analyzing data on the success rate of orthographic umlaut with respect to various phonological and morphological environments, this dissertation lays the groundwork for painting a more nuanced picture of the evolution of German umlaut in accordance with the "Wisconsin School" view (Buccini 1992, Iverson & Salmons 1996, Howell & Salmons 1997) that primary umlaut is to be regarded not as a monolithic sound change but as gradual process that began in certain environments and later spread to others.I examine tokens from two major OHG texts (Otfrid's Evangelienbuch and two different MSs of the German-Latin glossary Abrogans) as well as three shorter texts with diverse chronological and geographical origins (the OHG Isidor, the Murbacher Hymnen, and the poetic fragment Muspilli). Besides marking for the obvious features (umlauted vowel written as , trigger as , and intervening consonants), I also assign the morphological relationship between trigger and umlautable vowel to one of four categories that represent diminishing presence of an umlaut trigger in the paradigm: Root trigger: megin 'strength' ← *magin-a- Stem trigger: steti 'place (DAT)' ← *stad-i- Inflectional trigger: ferit 'goes' ← *far-i-d Derivational trigger: kihenkitha 'agreement' ← *ga-hang-iþo-The resulting data attest different manifestations of primary umlaut between the source texts but parallel overall patterns in the phonological and morphological spread of umlaut of short *a in Old High German, which can shed critical light on how the process of primary umlaut originated.
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