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On hybrid coordination and quantifie...
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Zanon, Ksenia.
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On hybrid coordination and quantifier raising in Russian.
紀錄類型:
書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
On hybrid coordination and quantifier raising in Russian./
作者:
Zanon, Ksenia.
面頁冊數:
347 p.
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 77-03(E), Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International77-03A(E).
標題:
Linguistics. -
電子資源:
http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3734132
ISBN:
9781339226576
On hybrid coordination and quantifier raising in Russian.
Zanon, Ksenia.
On hybrid coordination and quantifier raising in Russian.
- 347 p.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 77-03(E), Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2015.
The empirical base of this dissertation is comprised of two parts, neither of which has been systematically investigated in the generative literature before. The first one is dedicated to the "hybrid" coordination constructions evinced by (1); the second explores binding into the NP in the contexts with multiple edges, as in (2).
ISBN: 9781339226576Subjects--Topical Terms:
524476
Linguistics.
On hybrid coordination and quantifier raising in Russian.
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Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 77-03(E), Section: A.
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Advisers: Steven Franks; Barbara Vance.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2015.
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The empirical base of this dissertation is comprised of two parts, neither of which has been systematically investigated in the generative literature before. The first one is dedicated to the "hybrid" coordination constructions evinced by (1); the second explores binding into the NP in the contexts with multiple edges, as in (2).
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Hybrid coordination is understood as a conjunction of a Y/N- and a wh-question. The difference between (1a) and (1b) lies in the order of elements: in the former, a reduced polar interrogative precedes the constituent question; in the latter, this sequence is reversed. I argue that the apparent similarity between (1a) and (1b) is not symptomatic of identical derivations, as the two pattern differently in a variety of contexts. (1) a. Skoro li i kto pridet?; soon Q and who comeFUT; 'Will it be soon that somebody will come and who will come?'; b. Kto i skoro li pridet?
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The analysis that I develop for the hybrids in (1) has bearing on our understanding of argument structure, the nature of null elements, Across-The-Board movement, Quantifier Raising (QR), polarity items licensing, properties of ellipsis, and PF-syntax interface issues.
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The main claim defended in this dissertation is that Russian, traditionally taken to be a rigid scope language, has QR. Two sets of facts are invoked as evidence. The first batch implicates the distribution of quantifiers in hybrid constructions like (1), where I show that quantifiers behave differently from other arguments.
520
$a
The second context, where quantifiers also behave differently from non-quantifiers, involves binding into NPs with multiple edges. The behavior of quantifiers in this respect is illustrated by (2). (2) a. vse svoi proekty; all self's projects; '...all of her/his projects'; b. *...svoi vse proekty. I show that these facts follow directly if QR is assumed to be operable in Russian. In addition, the paradigm in question is shown to be relevant for the contextual approach to phases and the Phase Impenetrability Condition, proper formulation of Condition A, focus movement, and the structure of NP.
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