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Socialist internationalism at work: ...

Alamgir, Alena K.

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Socialist internationalism at work: Changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program, 1967--1989.

紀錄類型:	書目-電子資源 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Socialist internationalism at work: Changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program, 1967--1989./
作者:	Alamgir, Alena K.
面頁冊數:	393 p.
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 76-02(E), Section: B.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International76-02B(E).
標題:	Psychology, Social. -
電子資源:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3642519
ISBN:	9781321294286

Socialist internationalism at work: Changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program, 1967--1989.
Alamgir, Alena K.

Socialist internationalism at work: Changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program, 1967--1989. - 393 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 76-02(E), Section: B.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick, 2014.

This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.

I use archival evidence to analyze the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program between 1967 and 1989. Using the program as a lens, I examine the changes in the Czechoslovak state's self-conception qua a state-socialist state and provider of care. I find that the status of Vietnamese workers in relation to Czechoslovak state's conception of welfare changed from that of an object of care in the early phases of the program to that of a means the state used to secure welfare and "social comfort" for its citizens. Crucial to this transformation was a progressive drive toward greater commodification of Vietnamese workers' labor. Drawing on Michael Burawoy's argument that the key feature of migrant labor is the separation between the processes of labor's reproduction and maintenance, each of which takes place in a different nation state, I argue that during the phases when the Czechoslovak state assumed a significant financial and practical responsibility for Vietnamese workers' education and training (i.e., their reproduction as labor) the degree of their commodification was relatively low and it was further limited by their eligibility for some (though not all) welfare and social services provided to them on the same basis as they were provided to Czechoslovak citizens. When, however, in the last phase of the program, the Czechoslovak state stopped assuming responsibility for Vietnamese workers' education and training and started valuing them primarily for being a "fully mobile labor force" that could be used to plug the holes in Czechoslovak labor market, the degree of Vietnamese workers' commodification increased substantially. Concomitantly, the Czechoslovak state's economic priorities took precedence over the Vietnamese state's economic and developmental priorities. My last major finding, however, is that both Vietnamese workers and Vietnamese government officials pushed back: the former through strikes and insubordination, and the latter through pressure at the negotiating table. I argue that, contrary to received ideas, the ideology of internationalism and socialism constituted a valuable resource for this pushback because (1) it made the Czechoslovak state politically accountable to its Vietnamese counterpart, and (2) it provided an effective vernacular in which to articulate the non-negotiability of workers' rights.

ISBN: 9781321294286Subjects--Topical Terms:

529430
Psychology, Social.

Socialist internationalism at work: Changes in the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program, 1967--1989.
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520 $a I use archival evidence to analyze the Czechoslovak-Vietnamese labor exchange program between 1967 and 1989. Using the program as a lens, I examine the changes in the Czechoslovak state's self-conception qua a state-socialist state and provider of care. I find that the status of Vietnamese workers in relation to Czechoslovak state's conception of welfare changed from that of an object of care in the early phases of the program to that of a means the state used to secure welfare and "social comfort" for its citizens. Crucial to this transformation was a progressive drive toward greater commodification of Vietnamese workers' labor. Drawing on Michael Burawoy's argument that the key feature of migrant labor is the separation between the processes of labor's reproduction and maintenance, each of which takes place in a different nation state, I argue that during the phases when the Czechoslovak state assumed a significant financial and practical responsibility for Vietnamese workers' education and training (i.e., their reproduction as labor) the degree of their commodification was relatively low and it was further limited by their eligibility for some (though not all) welfare and social services provided to them on the same basis as they were provided to Czechoslovak citizens. When, however, in the last phase of the program, the Czechoslovak state stopped assuming responsibility for Vietnamese workers' education and training and started valuing them primarily for being a "fully mobile labor force" that could be used to plug the holes in Czechoslovak labor market, the degree of Vietnamese workers' commodification increased substantially. Concomitantly, the Czechoslovak state's economic priorities took precedence over the Vietnamese state's economic and developmental priorities. My last major finding, however, is that both Vietnamese workers and Vietnamese government officials pushed back: the former through strikes and insubordination, and the latter through pressure at the negotiating table. I argue that, contrary to received ideas, the ideology of internationalism and socialism constituted a valuable resource for this pushback because (1) it made the Czechoslovak state politically accountable to its Vietnamese counterpart, and (2) it provided an effective vernacular in which to articulate the non-negotiability of workers' rights.
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