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Socioeconomic mobility and reproduct...

Colen, Cynthia G.

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Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States.

Record Type:	Electronic resources : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States./
Author:	Colen, Cynthia G.
Description:	186 p.
Notes:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-02, Section: B, page: 0843.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International66-02B.
Subject:	Health Sciences, Public Health. -
Online resource:	http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=3163776
ISBN:	0496980955

Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States.
Colen, Cynthia G.

Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States. - 186 p.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-02, Section: B, page: 0843.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Michigan, 2005.

This dissertation examines the extent to which African American and White women in the United States who have experienced upward socioeconomic mobility are able to translate their achieved social class status into favorable maternal and infant health outcomes. It is comprised of three essays, each designed to investigate how changes in lifetime maternal socioeconomic position impact infant wellbeing. In Chapter 2, I argue that upwardly mobile Black women will face similar risks of giving birth to a low birthweight baby compared to chronically poor Black women due to three overarching factors: (1) pervasive structural-level racial inequalities; (2) individual-level responses to race-based discrimination; and (3) delayed childbearing. In Chapter 3, I employ data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and the 1970 U.S. Census of Population and Housing to estimate the likelihood that African American and White women who were raised in or near poverty but achieved middle-class status in adulthood will give birth to a low birthweight baby. Results from a series of logistic regression analyses illustrate that for White women who grew up in families with limited financial resources, increases in family income during adulthood are associated with a lower probability of giving birth to a low birthweight baby. However, for their African American counterparts, the relationship between adult socioeconomic position and the risk of low birthweight, although also negative, is substantially weaker and fails to reach statistical significance. In Chapter 4, I utilize birth certificate and census data from a thirty-year time period, in order to estimate the extent to which Black and White women aged 10 to 29 alter the timing of their first and second births in response to fluctuating job availability. Results from fixed-effect Poisson regression models suggest that during the 1990s---a decade of considerable economic growth---young African American women, especially those aged 18 to 19, were likely to postpone childbearing in order to take advantage of improved occupational opportunities. Furthermore, the association between employment possibilities and age-, race-, and state-specific rates of first and second births cannot be explained by concurrent changes in welfare policy, incarceration rates, or abortion availability.

ISBN: 0496980955Subjects--Topical Terms:

1017659
Health Sciences, Public Health.

Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States.
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245 1 0 $a Socioeconomic mobility and reproductive outcomes among African American and White women in the United States.
300 $a 186 p.
500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-02, Section: B, page: 0843.
500 $a Chair: Arline T. Geronimus.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Michigan, 2005.
520 $a This dissertation examines the extent to which African American and White women in the United States who have experienced upward socioeconomic mobility are able to translate their achieved social class status into favorable maternal and infant health outcomes. It is comprised of three essays, each designed to investigate how changes in lifetime maternal socioeconomic position impact infant wellbeing. In Chapter 2, I argue that upwardly mobile Black women will face similar risks of giving birth to a low birthweight baby compared to chronically poor Black women due to three overarching factors: (1) pervasive structural-level racial inequalities; (2) individual-level responses to race-based discrimination; and (3) delayed childbearing. In Chapter 3, I employ data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and the 1970 U.S. Census of Population and Housing to estimate the likelihood that African American and White women who were raised in or near poverty but achieved middle-class status in adulthood will give birth to a low birthweight baby. Results from a series of logistic regression analyses illustrate that for White women who grew up in families with limited financial resources, increases in family income during adulthood are associated with a lower probability of giving birth to a low birthweight baby. However, for their African American counterparts, the relationship between adult socioeconomic position and the risk of low birthweight, although also negative, is substantially weaker and fails to reach statistical significance. In Chapter 4, I utilize birth certificate and census data from a thirty-year time period, in order to estimate the extent to which Black and White women aged 10 to 29 alter the timing of their first and second births in response to fluctuating job availability. Results from fixed-effect Poisson regression models suggest that during the 1990s---a decade of considerable economic growth---young African American women, especially those aged 18 to 19, were likely to postpone childbearing in order to take advantage of improved occupational opportunities. Furthermore, the association between employment possibilities and age-, race-, and state-specific rates of first and second births cannot be explained by concurrent changes in welfare policy, incarceration rates, or abortion availability.
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